Each voter will receive four ballots, and some St. Petersburg residents will receive five at once! And the name of the same party can be mentioned simultaneously in all election documents.

"AiF" helps readers understand complex system voting.

Elections to the State Duma

According to the City Electoral Commission, on September 18, more than 1,860 polling stations will open in St. Petersburg, about 130 temporary ones (at train stations, hospitals, pre-trial detention centers, etc.), which will operate from 8 a.m. to 8 p.m. Finding yours is quite easy. To do this, you need to go to the website of the St. Petersburg Election Commission (www.st-petersburg.izbirkom.ru) and determine your precinct at the registration address, or simply call the information and reference service 008 (3-008-008 from a mobile phone).

For the first time since 2003, elections in Russia will be held on mixed system, deputies will be elected both from party lists and from single-mandate constituencies (see infographic).

The first will contain a list of political parties in the State Duma - there are 14 of them, the order was determined during the drawing of lots by the Central Election Commission. This:

1. "Motherland"
2. "Communists of Russia"
3. Russian Party of Pensioners for Justice
4. "United Russia"
5. "Greens"
6. "Civic Platform"
7. LDPR
8. "People's Freedom Party"
9. "Growth Party"
10. "Civil Power"
11. "Apple"
12. Communist Party of the Russian Federation
13. "Patriots of Russia"
14. "A Just Russia".

The second ballot contains a list of candidates for the State Duma in single-mandate districts of St. Petersburg - there are 8 of them in the city (numbers 211 to 218). Depending on the district, there will be from 10 to 13 surnames.

...and to the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg

Elections to the St. Petersburg parliament are held approximately according to the same pattern, only there the number of parties and candidates is smaller.

In one “ZakSovsky” ballot you will need to choose the party for which you voted. On this moment There are 9 of them, and the places, according to the draw, were distributed as follows:

1. "United Russia"
2. "Growth Party"
3. LDPR
4. "A Just Russia"
5. "Apple"
6. Communist Party of the Russian Federation
7. Parnassus
8. "Communists of Russia"
9. "Rot Front".

In another, already fourth, ballot, you will need to put a tick in front of the single-mandate candidate who, in your opinion, should go to the St. Petersburg parliament from your district (there are 25 in total). Depending on the district, there will be from 4 to 7 surnames. Among the single-mandate candidates there are not only representatives of specific political forces, but also independent candidates.

The fifth ballot will be received by voters living in the municipalities of Avtovo (Kirovsky district), the village of Saperny and parts of the village of Pontonny (Kolpinsky district), where municipal elections in multi-member districts will be held on September 18.

How can the same party be mentioned in all 4 or even 5 ballots? In addition to the parties that are repeated in elections to the State Duma and the Legislative Assembly, most single-mandate candidates are also nominated by parties, most often the same ones. In addition, some candidates are running for both the State Duma and the Legislative Assembly.

By the way

As the Central Election Commission said, 4 million people can vote abroad in the State Duma elections, half of whom are tourists. At the same time, a citizen of the Russian Federation who went abroad without taking an absentee certificate at his place of registration can vote by writing an application at the embassy or consulate of the Russian Federation in the country of residence.

Reference

If your guide:

• requires that the absentee certificate be deposited with the administration;
• unreasonably declares September 18 a working day in order to verify the fact of participation in voting;
• obliges to photograph the ballot;
• threatens those who did not vote with any sanctions;
• promises any incentives for voting;
• proposes to go collectively to vote;
• obliges workers to submit lists of family members or acquaintances who will also take part in voting

it violates Russian legislation. Participation in elections is free and voluntary. Record all facts indicating violations. Take photographs of any posters and announcements of similar content placed by the administration.

Report them to observers at the polling stations, the police, " hotline» Gorizberkom 008, as well as the multi-channel telephone of the movement to protect the rights of voters “Voice” - 8 800 333-33-50 (calls from all landline and mobile phones in Russia are free).

Expert commentary

Alexander Kurochkin, political scientist:

This election cycle differs from previous ones in that many political parties take part in it, both in the State Duma and in the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg. And for the overwhelming number of voters there is real opportunity choice, since almost the entire political spectrum of parties is represented: opposition forces, liberals, conservatives, left, right and even several types of communist parties.

In addition, this time the authorities did everything to ensure that the elections were held fairly. Therefore, you need to go and vote for those candidates whom you consider the most promising. But before that, carefully read what they offer. Damaging ballots in such a situation seems to me a completely meaningless and unnecessary exercise. Non-participation in voting does not contribute to the development of our political system and the establishment of a democratic state.

The quality of future life of St. Petersburg residents directly depends on their vote on September 18, and it is unwise to ignore this process.

Opinions

Political strategist Valentin Bianki:

In my opinion, new line-up The Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg will be significantly updated, and we will see not only new faces, but, most likely, parties as well. I believe that voting on September 18 is a must! The higher the turnout, the less opportunity there is to distort the election results. And even without idealism, the more honest the elected government is. Participation in elections is responsible behavior, I urge everyone not to be irresponsible for the future of their personal, family, city and country.

Tatyana Protasenko, director of the Megapolis sociological research center:

Although, according to all kinds of ratings, the situation seems clear, we may well be in for serious surprises in these elections. As world practice shows recent years, the voting results often do not coincide with the data of preliminary opinion polls. Thus, opinion polls in the UK regarding Brexit showed that the majority of the country's residents want to remain in the EU.

However, the results of the referendum revealed different data, shocking the world community. If we talk about Russia, not a single opinion poll has shown that Alexey Navalny will take second place in the Moscow mayoral elections in September 2013. This is largely due to the fact that part of the electorate was on vacation, abroad and did not participate in opinion polls. But at the same time I received all the propaganda information on the Internet.

Now sociologists in their research also do not actually take this group of voters into account. In general, I think it’s a mistake to organize voting during the dacha and vacation season, as well as to “lump together” elections to the State Duma, Legislative Assembly and majoritarian constituencies. Many voters are already confused.

The election campaign is ending. Probably, each of us noticed something awkward in candidates’ campaign materials or in election statements. But in principle, I agree with the opinion of some experts who consider the 2016 campaign to be one of the most boring of all time. last decades. Nevertheless, some candidates still “delighted” us and a selection of their work is brought to your attention by the “New Region” publication. So…

No matter how boring the current campaign in Russia may be, there was still room for creativity and ridiculous mistakes that claim to be the “2016 election memes.” The editors of NDNews.ru have compiled a selection of funny candidate campaigns that surprised, made people laugh or upset voters.

In the category " We wanted the best“There was a funny incident of campaigning for “United Russia” in Degtyarsk. An ordinary meeting of party representatives with state employees turned into a small show, because one of the agitators - the director of a local kindergarten - was drunk as a whole. The woman could hardly stand on her feet, but very loudly argued why she should vote for the candidate of the party in power: “I’ll tell you right away! A man who has been in war will not offer anything bad! And I was at war!” The video was published by Yekaterinburg social activist and candidate of the Yabloko party Ekaterina Petrova. According to her, the heroines of the video were the head of the kindergarten, Svetlana Igoshina, and the director of the local cultural center, Elena Koshkina.

I will tell you

The right to be the toughest candidate Maxim Shingarkin, who showed voters the “Arctic fox,” deserved credit in the campaign. A small scene with a real molting Arctic fox is only part of the epic video of the Rodina candidate, who, with a concentrated face, mows grass, chops firewood and promises to deal with corrupt officials.

Arctic fox

The harsh trend of “Motherland” is obediently followed by party candidates in the regions. For example, Natalya Pogorelova, a candidate in the Krasnodar single-mandate constituency, is going to the polls with the slogan “ Strong woman strong Russia." True, inquisitive voters noticed that the heroine on the poster was not dressed according to the regulations - a dress shirt, but a cap from her everyday uniform.

Prize in the category " inappropriate place» is shared by several candidates at once. A propaganda poster from United Russia member Andrei Golushko with the slogan “We live here” was among the intimate hygiene products.

The election banner of the “Fair Russians” near a cheap eatery gave the party an unexpected slogan: “Forward, shawarma.” And Kaliningrad United Russia member Alexander Musevich can now proudly call himself a shawarma specialist.

Two candidates in the Urals at once are haunted glory Hollywood stars . The promoter of United Russia in the Sverdlovsk region, Andrei Gorislavtsev, tried himself in the role of a provincial Jedi.

In Perm, social activist Andrei Okunev, going to the polls under the flag of “Motherland”, identifies with the Terminator and even assembled an imaginary Avengers team.

Award " national poet and philosopher“Awarded to the Samara candidate from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Alexander Manakov, who, instead of election promises, gives rhyming advice to motorists.

In nomination " the most honest propaganda“The winner is a self-nominated candidate for the State Duma, a farmer from the Republic of Mari El, Grigory Petrov-Chotkar, who unobtrusively and sincerely explained to voters why they should vote for him.

Candidate for the State Duma from Parnassus Nikolai Lyaskin chose the tactics “ your guy” and spoke to his electorate in a language he understood. Cubes with unliterary appeal appeared on the streets of Moscow.

Play on feelings cat and dog lovers LDPR candidate Alexander Gliskov decided, but couldn’t come up with anything more creative than taking a photo with a crazed black cat on his lap and providing the poster with a completely illogical slogan.

Communist Anton Romanov from Irkutsk is also partial to animals, especially green snakes with the face of the American President.

Several parties used the old technique in their propaganda materials word games, however, sometimes things didn’t work out very well. Thus, on Rodina posters, the names of the candidates were indicated without initials, which is why many voters are now sure that “ermines” live in Krasnoyarsk, and “Gavrils” live in Tolyatti.

“Patriots of Russia” did not receive official permission to use the image of Vladimir Putin in propaganda posters, but they were not at a loss and played up the president’s name in the slogan “patriots are on their way to 2017.”

But the LDPR candidate Andrei Nezabudkin gained 100% benefit from his seemingly ordinary surname - with such a slogan he will definitely not be forgotten.

But in Miass it’s difficult with political technologies - it’s almost impossible to imagine what the Growth Party candidate wanted to tell his voters. But on social networks Valikhan Turgumbayev is now known as “ rebus man».

Watch all these miracles of election creativity on video:

Propaganda trash

Judging by reports from parties and observers about violations (stuffing, carousels, mass voting using absentee ballots), the 2016 State Duma elections were not much different from 2011. With one exception: parties, candidates and public organizations there was almost no information about the removal of observers. According to the new rules, lists of observers had to be transferred to polling stations three days before the elections, and in total, according to the Central Election Commission, as of September 17, 301,000 observers were included in the lists. This is at least no less than in 2011 (266,109 people), CEC Chairman Ella Pamfilova rejoiced. Although, she admits, many parties and candidates preferred to appoint members of commissions with an advisory vote to polling stations - there are no such restrictions in their regard.

In fact, we should talk about a sharp reduction in the corps of observers, argues co-chairman of the “Voice” movement Grigory Melkonyants, because this time not seven parties are participating in the elections, but 14, elections in single-mandate constituencies have been added, and the total number of campaigns has more than doubled . According to Voice, total number violations have decreased slightly, but there is no need to talk about fundamental changes. Even in Moscow, which was expected to become an example of exemplary voting, carousels and mass transportation of voters were arranged. Most often, according to Golos, in metropolitan region there was mass voting using absentee ballots.

From early morning, working-class people lined up at polling stations in the center of the capital. “They walked along Ordynka from Bolotnaya Square,” says Mikhail Tamm, deputy chairman of PEC No. 40 of the Zamoskvoretsky district. - They arrived in groups of 20-30 people. At one point there were about 50 people in line. When I suggested going to a neighboring site so as not to waste time, they said: it’s even worse there.” “Organized groups of voters arrived at the polling stations in the Presnensky district from 8 a.m. to 2 p.m. and voted using absentee ballots,” Grigory Vaypan, a member of the commission with advisory voting rights from Parnas, complained to the Presnensky TEC in Moscow. - In response to my questions and questions from members of precinct commissions, these voters confirmed that they were employees of organizations whose leadership ordered them to take absentee ballots at their place of residence and vote on September 18 at a predetermined polling station in the center of Moscow. In particular, they were called State Budgetary Institution "Highway Roads", LLC "Transstroyengineering", LLC "Glavstroyengineering", OJSC "Mosproekt-3", State Unitary Enterprise "Moskovskoe Property". After voting, these voters recorded in writing the fact of their participation in voting with the coordinator of their group. Thus, the leaders of the above organizations took actions aimed at ensuring the delivery of voters to participate in the voting.”

The candidate for the Babushkinsky single-mandate constituency from Parnassus, Nikolai Lyaskin, discovered at one of the polling stations a mass voting of cadets of the Academy of the Ministry of Emergency Situations (its president Ivan Teterin was running in this constituency), they went to vote in formation. According to Lyaskin, he was unable to find election commission employees who accepted applications from 1,129 people to be included in the voter lists - all cadets have temporary registration. A similar story in St. Petersburg: 987 military academy cadets came to vote at polling station 2233, said Yabloko candidate Boris Vishnevsky. He claims that the cadets could only vote in the Duma elections, but they were also given ballots for the elections to the city parliament.

Where did more people vote and where did they vote less?

By seven in the evening, the Prosecutor General’s Office stopped accepting complaints from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation about mass violations: “come on Monday, we already had a day off today, our working day is over,” reports the head of the legal service of the Moscow City Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Mukhamed Bidzhev.

In the Rostov region, carousels, stuffing, and voting by commission members were also recorded, said Vadim Solovyov, head of the legal service of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation: “This mainly concerns the transportation of voters and carousels. In the Tver region, two large lines of cars were seen transporting carousel workers, in the Saratov region there are also a lot of carousels, and in the Astrakhan region, about 40 temporary polling stations were discovered in “dead” villages where there is no one to vote, says Soloviev. According to him, there are many more violations in these elections than in previous Duma elections: “They are much more open.”

Voters in the Novosibirsk region may be in for a surprise on the single voting day on September 18. This opinion was expressed by political scientists who assessed the State Duma election campaign approaching the finish line. At the same time, experts drew attention to several paradoxes and the seeming predetermination of the results.

Experts assess the current election campaign as unfocused, devoid of bright, breakthrough ideas. This is one of the paradoxes: the country finds itself in the center of complex civilizational changes, faced with a serious choice dictated by a rapidly changing geopolitical situation, the need to make fundamental decisions in the economy, but political parties are limited to trivial slogans and the lack of a real desire to expand their electorate.

As an example, the election slogans of political parties are given. For example, the motto of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation “Let's preserve the good, do better” inherits the KVN joke of the Soviet era: “For everything good, against everything bad.” United Russia member Maxim Kudryavtsev’s statement – ​​“Time for new solutions” – does not answer what new solutions the candidate is proposing. And the slogan of “United Russia” - “For a strong Siberia”, which party political strategists pulled out from manuals of the 1990s, serves only as part of the formal composition of the election poster.

“Apple” poster with cats and the slogan “Stop sleeping. It won’t get better on its own,” according to the authors, is the creativity that the current election campaign lacks. In fact, the infantilism of the “hamsters” only causes bewilderment among a significant part of pragmatically minded voters.

The Fair Russians play on the fundamental for Russian society the concept of “justice”, depriving it of all content and meaning.

This behavior of the contenders for power seems, at first glance, paradoxical, as does the fact that the parties, as if by agreement, practically abandoned the mobilization scenario of campaigning.

It is also paradoxical that, against the backdrop of a deepening economic crisis that has affected the daily life of Russian households, the ratings of the political forces opposed to United Russia are practically not growing and remain at a very modest level. At the same time, the positions of the “party in power” have been shaken, if at all, by small percentages, which will not significantly affect its final results, experts indicate in a conversation with a correspondent Sibkrai.ru.

Against this background, the Novosibirsk voter seems to many to be passive and inert, showing little interest in the upcoming elections. However, political scientists draw attention to the fact that 30-40% of participants in many sociological surveys either refuse to answer the question about their upcoming choice or “find it difficult to answer.” And with those who refuse to take part in the elections or have not yet made a decision, this number increases to 60%. The organizers of the surveys themselves complain in private conversations about the “insincerity” of the respondents. This behavior of voters can hardly be explained by their “passivity”; most likely, this is precisely their position.

Sergey Kozlov, Dean of the Faculty of Politics and international relations Siberian Institute of Management RANEPA, Candidate of Historical Sciences:

The ongoing Duma campaign is characterized by a fair amount of lethargy, which has two components. The first is due to the fact that the majority of voters do not expect anything from the results of the Duma elections and the redistribution of mandates. The majority of Russian citizens do not connect their future in any way with those faces who look at them from election posters. Voter apathy is close to indifference.

The second component is due to the fact that the parties and candidates themselves were unable to offer voters an agenda that would at least somehow interest them. This applies to both the “party in power” and the opposition. “United Russia” habitually “hid behind” the presidential popularity. The opposition did not even try to create something new, using the chance to turn the upcoming vote into an election of local issues. By and large, the opposition – both parliamentary and non-parliamentary – simply has nothing to offer the voter. United Russia's rivals turned out to be incapable of even constructive criticism. Therefore, it turned out that the parties with their programs and slogans are separate, the real problems of Novosibirsk residents are separate.

Sergey Biryukov, Doctor of Political Sciences, member of the expert club “Siberia - Eurasia”:

Today we can state: “United Russia” will quite confidently win the September parliamentary elections, remaining the dominant political party in the country. The reason for this is not only the latter’s control over the totality of significant political resources. The “party in power” has a well-established image, predictable policies (with all its pros and cons), and an established “threshold of expectations.” Everything that a voter who is accustomed to voting for the status quo needs - in the hope that the worst will go away and the best will remain.

However, the strength of the “party in power” is at the same time a consequence of the weakness of the opposition, which is called upon to play a significant role within any political system that claims to be democratic. Of course, provided that the opposition is capable and willing to fulfill the functions assigned to it by society and, above all, the functions of constructive criticism and the formation of an adequate and popular alternative to the policies of the current government. However, it is precisely with this that today there are very serious problems.

What are the reasons for the current weakness of the Russian opposition? Unfortunately, problems that date back to the 1990s - leaderism, doctrinaireism, a tendency to intrigue within the party environment, and others - are largely inherent in the opposition “flank” of Russian politics today.

The Yabloko party, together with Grigory Yavlinsky, who has returned to active politics, hardly has a chance to succeed. The image of a pure fighter against corruption, a human rights activist and a defender of private business from arbitrariness on the part of the state does not look entirely convincing. The former Yabloko voter—the liberal-minded Soviet intelligentsia, who did not accept the extreme policies of Gaidar and Chubais—faded into history, while in the 20s extra years A middle class has grown up in Russia, not interested in correct declarations, but demanding specific recipes for solving their problems. And the latter is unlikely to believe those politicians who have never been fully present in power and are not going to seriously solve them, concentrating all their activity in criticism without constructive specifics. This is exactly how the image of the informal leader of the association, Yavlinsky, is perceived today, once a co-author of the famous “500 days” program, and now a current deputy of the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg, who today seeks to return to big politics. Unfortunately, the vast majority of his fellow party members who actively participate in political life, were never able to free themselves from the influence of this unfavorable image.

Looks like an even more controversial project Political Party"RPR-Parnas", which today claims to be the main heir to the traditions of the democratic movement and democratic parties of Russia in the 1990s. “Parnas” is “a party of angry citizens,” as it calls itself, claiming to be an exponent of the “spirit of Yakimanka, Bolotnaya and Sakharov Avenue.” The myth about “pure” reforms, discredited by their secret opponents, as well as the myth about the possibility of easily and simply restoring relations with the West after everything that has happened in recent years, the very myth about the “integrity” of the leaders of this association and their innocence in numerous failures, scandals and incidents of past times are intended to form the basis of the image of this association. However, the new “myth-makers” forget that over the past two years the country has changed significantly, gradually freeing itself from the political inertia of the past “fed years”. The latter, apparently, are still not ready for a serious conversation with society, which involves an honest and objective analysis of both their own achievements and everything that happened to the country after the “reformers” left power. While temptation simple solutions may ultimately prove truly destructive for the country, both the fight against bureaucracy, and ensuring rapid economic growth, and a new reform strategy Russian education, being noble goals in themselves, without thoughtful political and economic mechanisms for implementation, remain purely declarative and not related to real life.

The Civic Platform party, which recently lost its key figure, businessman Mikhail Prokhorov, is in danger of falling into political oblivion. Almost the same can be said about the peculiar twin of this party - the association “Civil Force”, which has an even more faceless political project without chances and prospects.

On the so-called “patriotic” flank of the opposition spectrum, the situation is hardly more favorable. The Rodina party, which achieved success in the early 2000s through a combination of patriotic and social ideas and was revived from political oblivion in 2012, is today trying to return to its former political and electoral field. However, doing this today is very problematic. A galaxy of bright and strong politicians left the party long ago, and its face has already been fairly forgotten by voters. Social issues have been successfully mastered by A Just Russia, patriotic issues by a whole range of parties, including the “party in power” United Russia. It will be extremely difficult to be reborn from political oblivion and take its place in the opposition “niche” plowed up by a large number of more influential political associations. All of the above applies to an even greater extent to the Patriots of Russia party, which, having separated from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation more than ten years ago, was unable to form its own political image.

Thus, the upcoming elections are unlikely to be a triumph for the diverse Russian opposition. And this, apparently, applies to the liberal, left, and patriotic parts of it. Thus, we simply cannot count on the formation of a capable and responsible opposition as a result of the elections, capable of balancing the current government and offering a constructive alternative to its policies. Politicians who declare themselves oppositionists obviously will not be able to contribute to improving the overall quality of Russian politics. Which, of course, cannot but sadden.

Dmitry Bereznyakov, head of the department of state and municipal management of the Siberian Institute of Management RANEPA, candidate of political sciences:

There is one very common illusion that times of economic crises, political turmoil and a decline in public confidence in certain state institutions This is a golden time for the opposition. Finally, the ideal political moment has arrived when you can blame everything on those at the helm and win the elections, receiving the long-awaited power. In this case - legislative power. However, this illusion disappears very quickly when faced with real life and its problems.

Those whom we call the opposition, as a rule, for various reasons, are political marginals who have very limited experience in real public management associated with adequately formulating the problems of society and translating this understanding into specific options for their solutions. In other words, the key problem here is the formulation of an alternative agenda, which, in theory, should have two features: it should be constructive, focused on a positive image of the future of the country and the region. At the same time, it must be understandable to the voter and correlate with his understanding of what is happening in the country. If this is not the case, then you will have negative mobilization, which will always have a short-term time interval. As a matter of fact, we are now witnessing such an attempt. It is clear that it is easier to be friends against than for. But such a strategy has no long-term prospects.

Igor Kozlov, candidate of political sciences:

If we analyze the situation today, we can say that United Russia retains its leadership. But the party has so far failed to present voters with a clear agenda that would be understandable to the electorate. Despite the various party programs, United Russia takes on international themes and uses the image of the president. This is expressed in the use of Putin’s 12 theses in propaganda. It is quite possible that this will be enough to achieve this goal, and the party will gain from 43 to 45% in the elections. Achieving this result is also the goal of the local party branch. But demand from regional office“United Russia” will also depend on results in local authorities, and here the federal agenda may not be enough, and results in problem areas of the region (cities such as Ob and Iskitim) may lead to changes in the ranks of the regional branch of “United Russia”.

As for other parliamentary parties, their election campaign looks rather sluggish. This may be influenced by two factors. Firstly, an unspoken “non-aggression pact” against each other. And secondly, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the Liberal Democratic Party are quite happy with the status quo: the parties are almost on par, gaining 12-15% each. It is worth noting that, unlike the LDPR, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is focusing its efforts on the fight in single-member constituencies, where it may well achieve success, competing with the United Russia candidates Kudryavtsev and Kalichenko. What is breaking out of the complacent state of parliamentary parties is A Just Russia, which does not have a charismatic leader, and the candidates presented in the districts do not bring the party additional votes. Based on this, the party chose the tactic of attacking the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, filing more than 50 complaints to the regional election commission, accusing the communists of being an administrative resource. It is doubtful that such tactics will bring big dividends to the party.

As for extra-parliamentary parties, it is worth noting the Yabloko and Rodina parties. The relative success of Yabloko can be attributed to the fact that there is practically no competition in the political spectrum, and at the local level the party managed to field clear candidates who play to the party’s image. Of course, Yabloko's single-mandate candidates have little chance of success, but they can influence the mobilization of the democratic electorate in favor of the party in the elections as a whole and give the party a chance to overcome the five percent threshold.

The same situation arises in the Rodina party. But here it is worth noting that the structure of the party’s work is different. “Rodina” in the Novosibirsk region can show a very good result for itself, and this is due, first of all, to the new local leadership of the party branch, which, led by the famous and charismatic deputy of the Novosibirsk city council Vyacheslav Ilyukhin, has intensified the party’s activities not only in Novosibirsk, but also in the regions. Do not forget that Rodina nominated its candidates for elections to local authorities in the Novosibirsk region and may well expect that its candidates can receive mandates as deputies of local councils. While the party is still in the process of building a party machine, it is already clear that Rodina is becoming a significant political player at the local level and in the future the party can count on success, especially in elections at the regional level.

Konstantin Antonov, Doctor of Sociological Sciences, head of the Novosibirsk branch of the Civil Society Development Foundation:

The current election campaign in Russia refutes a number of conclusions of classical political theories. The falling standard of living, rising prices, and growing social anxiety among the population should, in theory, lead to a sharp drop in the level of support for the ruling party. However, this does not happen, and here's why.

63% of respondents believe that “our country needs stability, this is more important than reforms and related changes.” Basically, this is said by those politically active citizens who demanded changes and reforms in the 1990s, but who experienced all their negative consequences. They are guided by the logic “they do not seek good from good,” and are ready to “forgive” the ruling elite many of its “sins” in exchange for the stability that they have gained over the past decade.

Another 66% of respondents believe that “Russia needs steady hand”, which they believe the current president and the team he supports possess. Contrary to the assertions of some liberal analysts, the effect of the Crimean consensus has not exhausted itself. The annexation of Crimea and the firm and principled position of the country's leadership in response to external pressure are supported in society. At the same time, we can talk about the emergence in Russia of a long-awaited national idea, expressed in the statement that “Russia’s policy should be focused on strengthening sovereignty and developing its own Russian civilization.” This opinion is supported by 72% of VTsIOM respondents.

The majority of Russians are ready to give up political freedoms and democracy. Those who are not ready to give them up even in the case when freedom and democracy can be used, including for destruction Russian statehood, only 25%. This does not mean that the majority of Russians are entirely children of the totalitarian system, ready to lay their heads on the chopping block of dictators. Everything is much more complicated. Russians remember the times of boundless democracy, which in the Russian version is associated by the majority with anarchy, the banal seizure of property and the satisfaction of the private selfish interests of a small oligarchic group. They see modern history Ukraine, where, under the slogans of democracy and freedom, the state is disintegrating, and external control of the country is being introduced - with the simultaneous loss of rights and freedoms of the bulk of the population. Russians do not support the Western, hegemonic model of democracy, which is used as a geopolitical tool to assert the bloc interests of certain states. The rose-colored glasses fell off my eyes.

Personal authority and trust in the head of state also play a huge role. The “Putin factor” is being used with might and main by the ruling party and the political forces of the “presidential” camp. They actually took over the agenda from the parliamentary opposition, which supported the president’s foreign policy decisions in every way, leaving them no opportunity to search for their own political identity. In Novosibirsk, this situation is aggravated by the fact that the communists, who unexpectedly took power in the city, found themselves tied hand and foot by informal obligations to the team of Governor Gorodetsky. Previously, communists were always troublemakers and gained additional points from their uncompromising criticism of the regional authorities and the United Russia party behind them. However, this time the governor’s team beat the “team of the mayor of Elbow”.

The mayor and candidates from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation are forced to campaign within certain limits, while the “governor’s team,” which has real resources and leverage, has a free hand. They can, of course, take a risk and go to great lengths, earning a couple of extra percent in the State Duma elections, but they risk complicating the mayor’s position and ultimately losing this post. Not all influential members of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation like this situation, especially the active youth who came to power for the first time last year. But now no one will blow up the situation from the inside, although in the near future this “compromising” position of the old party elite will backfire on it.

Despite the traditional active, aggressive policy of the regional branch of the LDPR and Dmitry Savelyev personally, this party is not able to step beyond the line to which it traditionally approaches in all election campaigns. Just because a sparrow begins to flap its wings more often, it will not fly faster.

"A Just Russia" is probably in general last time going through elections in State Duma in the status of a parliamentary party. During the inter-electoral period, the regional cell not only failed to create a party structure, but also lost what it had previously acquired. The fact that in the ranks of the Novosibirsk Spravedovrossiya there was no worthy representative to nominate him as a candidate for State Duma deputy speaks volumes. This time, the visiting emissary Alexander Ageev is trying to graze in the Novosibirsk political clearing. But he clearly doesn’t have enough food there, and he’s not particularly different in article.

The pre-election model of behavior of the Novosibirsk Yabloko does not stand up to any criticism: boring, tedious, salon discussions about morality and universal injustice, calls for the affirmation of abstract values, already tired criticism (and who doesn’t criticize them!) of the authorities and no clear rational alternative are unlikely to attract attention to the party of new adherents. The youth wing of the party, which this time led the party column in the elections, rejected the unsuccessful experience of the older generation, but instead offered banal marketing technologies social networks, which in public policy only cause bewilderment.

It is clear that in this situation, United Russia was left virtually without rivals capable of inflicting a crushing blow on it. Therefore, United Russia is conducting a sterile campaign, setting itself the only goal - to conduct the campaign as cleanly as possible in order to save itself in the future from accusations of falsifying the voting results. Losing a couple of percent in the elections is unimportant for them.

The only discovery of the current campaign in the region is the Rodina party, which has used rather aggressive tactics based on harsh criticism regional authorities. Rodina tried to actively mobilize the electoral resource by launching a referendum on the fourth bridge. And the appearance of regional leader Vyacheslav Ilyukhin in a televised debate on the First Federal Channel came as a complete surprise to local political players. Even the very fact of his participation in debates on central television is symbolic and signals the approval of his candidacy at the highest levels.

Ilyukhin went beyond the established politeness and allowed himself sharp criticism not only of the governor, but also of his former colleagues for the United Russia party. It is clear from everything that in the Novosibirsk region another real political force has emerged, with a real claim to the distribution of power resources, and a bright, charismatic leader who has occupied the hitherto empty niche of a truth-teller and “their guy.” Therefore, the results of Rodina on September 18 may come as a big surprise for the relaxed grandees of the political field.

I cannot agree with the opinion that there is absolutely no alternative in the current election campaign. Despite the fact that the ideological and worldview positions of party structures are blurred, competition is found in something else. There is an alternative within the “statist, patriotic” bloc of parties that collectively claim no less than 75-80% of the votes. It lies in the competition of various elite groups and differences in views on the functioning of the management system. It is between these internal “alternatives” that votes will be distributed, ensuring the flow of resources from one party structure to another.