home Treatment and prevention Political parties in Russia at the end of the 19th century. The emergence of parties in Russia in the late XIX - early XX century

Political parties in Russia at the end of the 19th century. The emergence of parties in Russia in the late XIX - early XX century

Yelabuga State Pedagogical Institute

CONTROL WORK ON HISTORY

Topic: Activities of political parties in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century.

Completed by: 1st year student of OZO

Elkin S.I.

G. Yelabuga

Introduction 3

Formation and positions of political parties in Russia 4

Political parties of Russia in 1917 12

Conclusion 16

References 18

INTRODUCTION

The Big Encyclopedic Dictionary for 1991 gives the following
definition "A political party is a political organization expressing
interests of the social class, other social groups, uniting them
the most active representatives and guiding them in achieving
specific goals."

Political parties are founded by people in the name of a set goal,
implementation of immediate and long-term tasks. They represent
voluntary public organizations, unions of like-minded people. Chasing
certain goals political parties express and substantiate them in
programs or policy statements, develop and implement
their own policies, have the principles of the organizational structure of their
rows and corresponding to each of them the internal organization, symbolism
etc. They create their own press, factions in trade unions, higher
local governments, youth, women's,
cultural, educational and other public organizations.

These features are usually shared by all political parties. However, in
Russia had its own characteristics associated with the specifics of the economic
system, the political structure of Russian society at the beginning of the twentieth century,
multinational population.

The first political party nationwide was
Social Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP), founded in 1898. Following
it was followed by the Socialist Revolutionary Party (RPSR), which became part of
history as a "peasant party", although initially in its composition
workers dominated. The parties of the ruling classes took shape in the years
the first Russian revolution (1905-1907). In 1906, when on the wave
the first revolution in the country there was a stormy process of polarization of class forces,
five types of parties were distinguished (in the presence of more than 50 parties and unions): 1)
Black Hundreds; 2) Octobrists; 3) cadets; 4) Trudoviks; 5)
Social Democrats (Social Democrats). Subsequently, the point of view
according to which all types of political parties in Russia pre-October
period began to be attributed, respectively, to one of the three formed
then political camps: landlord-monarchist,
liberal-bourgeois and revolutionary-democratic. There is such
point of view today.

FORMATION AND POSITION OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN RUSSIA

The Russian Empire at the beginning of the 20th century entered the stage of imperialism.
Remains of feudal-serf relations, primarily in the countryside,
tsarist autocracy and the oppression of non-Russian peoples, caused a sharp
exacerbation of socio-economic and political contradictions,
hindered the social and political development of the country.

According to the general census of 1887. 125.6 million people lived in Russia
people, including the rural population - about 97 million or 77%.
The class structure of society looked like this: landowners and
big bourgeoisie - 2.4%, wealthy small owners - 18.4%, small
owners - 28.5%, proletarians and semi-proletarians of the city and countryside -
50.7% (including industrial workers - about 8%). On the territory of the Russian
more than 100 nations and nationalities lived in the empire. 57% of the population
were not Russian peoples. Population of European Russia
was 93.4 million people, the Kingdom of Poland - 9.5 million, the Great
Principality of Finland 2.6 million, Caucasus region - 9.3 million, Siberia -
5.8 million, Central Asia - 7.7 million people. Subjects of the Russian Empire
divided into 4 estates: nobility, clergy, urban and rural
townsfolk. The indigenous population of Kazakhstan, Siberia and a number of other regions
stood out in an independent estate - foreigners. Dominant religion
- orthodoxy. For centuries, advanced traditions have developed in the country in
culture and science. However, more than 70% of the population was illiterate (in
first of all - the peasantry).

The impetus for the formation of both monarchist and bourgeois-liberal
parties served as the first revolution in Russia. The most accelerated
process, after the publication of August 6, 1905. Convocation Manifesto
Legislative State Duma and the Manifesto of October 17
1905, by which the people of Russia were granted separate rights and freedoms
(guarantee of inviolability of the person, freedom of speech, conscience, assembly
and unions). Among the openly MONARCHIC PARTIES, the undisputed leader was
"Union of the Russian people", created in November 1905. In Petersburg. His
members were large householders, merchants, small shopkeepers, ranks
police, clergy, urban philistines, middle-class officials,
landowners. The organizers and most prominent figures of the Union were V.A.
Bobrinsky, A.I. Dubrovin, V.M. Purishkevich,

NOT. Markov and others. The Union published the newspapers "Russian Banner", "Association",
"Thunderstorm", had branches (about 500) and relevant governing bodies
and services practically throughout Russia. In 1907-14.
The Yaroslavl branch of the NRC was headed by Archbishop Tikhon - the future
Patriarch of Moscow and All Rus' (1917-25).

The monarchical and chauvinistic program of the Union contained at the same time
demands to improve the condition of the working people, to get rid of the dominance
bureaucracy. Particularly reactionary was the policy of the NRC on national
question, especially in relation to the Jews, who, regardless of their
class affiliation, religious views and political beliefs
the role of outcasts was predicted in advance. In the preamble of the 1905 charter of the NRC
set himself the goal of electing to the State Duma no more than
three deputies of Jewish nationality and only for reports “on private
needs of the Jewish people." Blaming socialists, liberals and Jews for
all the troubles and ulcers of society, the "Union" at the same time called on the population
actively engage in the fight against the "enemies of the tsar and the fatherland." NRC militants,
the so-called "Black Hundreds", dispersed rallies and demonstrations,
carried out mass pogroms. The program of the Union of 1907 stated,
that the will of the monarch can be successfully carried out only under the following
conditions: 1) the full manifestation of the strength of the tsarist autocracy, inseparably and
vitally connected with the Russian Orthodox Church; 2) domination
Russian nationality not only in the inner provinces, but also on the outskirts
countries; 3) the existence of the State Duma, drawn up
exclusively from Russians; 4) full compliance with the main provisions of the NRC
regarding the Jews; 5) removal from the civil service of officials,
belonging to the opponents of state power.

In terms of their goals and objectives, the nature of political activity is close to
The Russian Monarchist Party, established in April 1905, stood at the side of the RNC. V
Moscow and united large landowners, royal dignitaries and
higher clergy. The party leaders were V.A. Greenmouth, I. Vostorgov,
D.N. Dolgorukov and others. The newspaper Moskovskie
statements". The party came out in defense of unlimited autocracy,
privileges of the nobility, the inviolability of landownership. WITH
they also closed the so-called. "nationalists", members of the Russian faction
National Union in the 3rd and 4th State Dumas. Leaders: P.N.
Balashov, V.V. Shulgin and others. To the extreme right nationalist and
most of the Legal Order Party also joined the monarchist circles,
united in 1905-07. representatives of a major commercial and industrial
bourgeoisie. In November 1905 in order to protect the autocracy and unite
"agricultural class" (the peasantry and landowners) is formed
All-Russian National Union of Land Owners.

On the platform of preserving and strengthening the tsarist regime, at the same time there were
nationalist parties were created and launched work on the outskirts of Russia
bourgeois-conservative direction: the Estonian Constitutional Party,
Latvian People's Party and Reform Party, Finnish Party
(Old Finns), uniting the Baltic-German barons: Baltic
constitutional party, Kurzeme Monarchist Constitutional Party,
and others. From the all-Russian monarchist parties and the Octobrists, they
differed only in program provisions on the national question,
which their leaders considered necessary to resolve within the framework of
national-cultural autonomy.

In conclusion, the characteristics of these parties, I consider it appropriate to give
an excerpt from the speech of the leader of the Octobrists A.I. Guchkov, published in
Russian press in 1906, after the dissolution of the 1st State Duma.
“If earlier we (the Octobrists) were the only party that defended
principles of monarchism, now a whole bloc has formed to the right of us .... These
parties treat the Freedom Manifesto differently than we do, for the only
they recognize absolutism as a form of statehood, unlimited by anything
monarchy. There can be no agreement between us in this area.

... there is a fatal danger for these parties, because in their composition
they included those whom we had always been accustomed to seeing in the service of the reaction.
They were and remain our adversaries, for they mortified the public
amateur performance, trampled on free thought, kept the people in the dark
ignorance and poverty, more than once stood in the way of reforms.

Among the parties of the BOURGEOIS-LIBERAL CAMP, first of all,
I would like to single out the Constitutional Democratic Party (the Cadets).
The RKDP was founded in October 1905. based on illegal political
association of the intelligentsia "Union of Liberation" and the left wing, also
illegal "Union of Zemstvo-Constitutionalists". At the second congress
(January 1906) the Cadets made an addition to the main name of the party and with
since then became officially known as the "People's Freedom Party", although in
history entered as the party of the Cadets. Immediately after the creation of the cadets
launched a vigorous political activity. Only from October 1905 to
September 1906 they held four congresses, at which they clarified their
programmatic, tactical and organizational tasks.

Of all the political parties in Russia created on the eve of and during
revolution of 1905-07, the Cadets had the most extensive program. She
consisted of eight major sections and affected almost all areas
socio-political and socio-economic structure of Russia
on the principle of the bourgeois-democratic countries of the West. In the agrarian question
The Cadets were in favor of the compulsory alienation of the landlords' lands for
ransom. In the national question, they declared free cultural
self-determination of all the peoples of Russia (the right to communicate and receive
education in their native language, create their own organizations and cultural
institutions), limited to granting autonomy (within
Empire) Poland and the restoration of the constitution of Finland.

The social base of the Cadet Party was, first of all,
representatives of the intelligentsia, middle and big bourgeoisie, part
liberal landowners. Many in its ranks were petty-bourgeois
elements (employees, clerks, teachers, etc.). At the Central Committee of the Kadet Party
consisted mainly of representatives of the liberal bourgeoisie and upper
bourgeois intelligentsia: P.N. Milyukov, A.I. Shingarev, V.D. Nabokov
IN AND. Vernadsky, Prince P.D. Dolgorukov, A.A. Kornilov, P.B. Struve and others.
The main printed organ of the Cadets was the newspaper Rech, widely
spread across the country

The Union of October 17 also belonged to this camp of political parties.
(Octobrists), established in November 1905. headed by industrialist A.I.
Guchkov and landowners M.V. Rodzianko and V.V. Shulgin, at the base already
the aforementioned Union of Zemstvo-Constitutionalists. Social composition
The Octobrist Party was close to the composition of the Cadets. Union published
newspapers "Slovo", "Voice of Moscow" and others, more than 50 in total. Political
program and the very name of the Octobrist party was based entirely on
provisions of the tsar's manifesto of October 17, 1905. Endorsing unconditionally
manifesto, they declared that they considered it their task "to assist
government, following the path of social reforms aimed at full
and comprehensive renewal of the state system of Russia.
The state structure of the country was presented to them in the form
constitutional monarchy, able to rise "above countless
private and local interests, over the unilateral goals of various
classes, estates, nationalities, parties ... "and" to carry out their
purpose - to be a pacifying beginning in a sharp struggle, struggle
political, social and national”. On the national question
The Octobrists advocated the preservation of a united and indivisible Russia. Exception
was done only for Finland: it was recognized "the right to a known
autonomous state structure, subject to preservation
state connection with the empire. A distinguishing feature from
Black Hundreds, in this case, was the recognition by the Octobrists of equality
non-Russian nationalities with the Russian people.

Much attention in the program of the Octobrists, like that of the Cadets, was given to
social and economic problems. So on the labor question, both parties
agreed that it should be solved by giving workers
freedom of assembly, strike and the right to organize trade unions. Unlike
the Cadets, the Octobrists provided for the prohibition of strikes at all
public-state enterprises and denied
the need to shorten the working day. On the agrarian question of the Octobrist
stood on the position of preserving the landowner's ownership of the land,
supporting the policy of P.A. Stolypin in solving the land issue. So
Thus, the program provisions of the largest bourgeois-liberal parties
represented two variants of the reformist path of transformation
social and state system of Russia (the Cadets are the most
liberal, Octobrists - moderately conservative).

Between these trends, a number of other more
small parties, software settings which represented a symbiosis
demands put forward by the Octobrists and the Cadets. So, acting in
1905-06 Commercial and Industrial Party (leader G.A. Konovalov) in full
joined the Octobrist Party. Separated in 1906. from the right wing
party of the Cadets, the Party of Democratic Reforms, in 1907. joined the party
peaceful renewal (peaceful renewal). Moderate Liberal Party
peaceful renewal arose in 1906. from the faction of the 1st State
Duma, which united the former left Octobrists, right-wing Cadets, the so-called.
non-party constitutionalists, etc. The party included large
industrialists and bourgeois landowners. Leaders: P.A. Geiden, N.N.
Lvov, and others. There was a Moscow branch of the Central Committee of the Party (A.S. Vishnyakov, P.P.
Ryabushinsky and others). In November 1912 Peaceful Renovators entered again
established Progressive Party.

In this vein, but with appropriate nationalist overtones,
there was a process of formation of national bourgeois parties on
Ukraine, in the Baltic and Transcaucasia, Kazakhstan and other national
outskirts of the empire. In 1902, for example, the People's Ukrainian
party (Nupovtsy), at the end of 1905. Ukrainian
Radical Democratic Party, Kyrgyz (Kazakh)
Constitutional Democratic Party, Armenian
Liberal Democratic Party "Ramkavyty Azatakan". Actively
acted: the Crimean Tatar "Milli Firka", the party of Muslims of the Volga region
Ittifaq, Lithuanian Christian Democratic Party (Hadeks) and a number of
others.

Close to this direction were the organizations of the so-called. "regionals",
seeking cultural and economic independence (autonomy)
separate areas with a predominantly Russian population (Siberian,
Ural, etc.).

For the REVOLUTIONARY-DEMOCRATIC CAMP of the political forces of Russia
characteristic was the delimitation of the so-called. "populist" and
social democratic (Marxist) directions. Heiress of ideas
populism - the ideology and political movement of the raznochin
intelligentsia, which arose in the 60s of the nineteenth century (N.G. Chernyshevsky, A.I.
Herzen, etc.) and eclectically combining
bourgeois-democratic program for the liberation of the peasantry with the ideas
utopian socialism, non-capitalist way of development of Russia -
undoubtedly, the Russian Party of Socialist Revolutionaries (SRs) became. IN
early 90s. emigrant populists formed the Union of Russians
Socialist Revolutionaries headquartered in Bern (Switzerland), and
then, under their influence, regional organizations began to be created,
local groups and committees in Russia.

The first congress of the RPSR took place in December 1905 - January 1906, although
Organizationally, the Social Revolutionaries took shape as early as the end of 1901 - the beginning of 1902. (IN
the party was joined by the Agrarian Socialist League, the Southern Party of the S.-R. and etc.).
At the congress, the Charter and program of the party were adopted, and also put forward
the following requirements: the proclamation in Russia of a people's democratic
republic, fundamental rights and freedoms of citizens, the introduction of a working
legislation, socialization (socialization) of all lands, abolition
private ownership of land, the declaration of its public
ownership and transfer to the use of rural communities for processing
peasants without the use of hired labor. Until February
revolution of 1917 the Socialist-Revolutionary Party was in an illegal position. She
created new organizations, groups and circles on the ground, ideologically and
organizationally strengthening its ranks, carried out active work among the masses. The consignment
published a large number of newspapers and magazines: "Revolutionary Russia",
"The cause of the people", "Banner of Labor", "Bulletin of the Russian Revolution". RPSR
used various methods of struggle against autocracy - from legal to
armed uprising. In tactics, a significant place was given,
inherited from the Narodniks and widely used by the Socialist-Revolutionaries,
individual terror. The external effect of these acts was impressive,
however, politically it was zero. For these purposes was
organized a special combat organization (similar groups
were also created in a number of other parties - maximalists, Bolsheviks),
operated until 1911. The most prominent figures and ideologists
Socialist-Revolutionaries were: V.M. Chernov, A.R. Gotz, N.D. Avksentiev, E.F. Azef, G.A.
Gershuni, B.V. Savinkov, M.A. Spiridonova, E.K. Breshko-Breshkovskaya
("grandmother of the Russian revolution"), etc.

On the eve and during the first Russian revolution in the Socialist-Revolutionary Party
a split occurred. In 1904 from it came the "maximalists" (peasant
anarchists), which took shape in 1906. into an independent party "Union
Socialist-Revolutionary Maximalists” (leaders: M.I. Sokolov, V.V.
Mazurin and others). In the autumn of 1906 the right wing of the Socialist-Revolutionaries was formed
Party of People's Socialists (People's Socialists), later the most right-wing of
of all "socialist" parties in Russia (leaders: N.F. Annensky, A.V.
Peshekhonov and others). Neither the popes, on the maximalists, had much influence
on the social and political life of the country.

In addition to the all-Russian Socialist-Revolutionary Party, on a platform close to them, actively
There were also regional populist parties. Among them:
Federation of Armenian Revolutionaries "Dashnaktsutyun", Revolutionary Party
socialist-federalists of Georgia, Belorussian socialist community,
Socialist Jewish Workers' Party, Revolutionary Party
Socialists of Latvia, Party of Revolutionary Socialists of the Laudinins
(Lithuania), "Tanchi" (Muslims of the Volga region), etc.

In the revolutionary movement, the beginning of the Marxist trend and history
Russian Social Democracy put first of all, the group "Liberation
Labor "(1883) headed by G.V. Plekhanov. Plekhanov owns
merit in the theoretical substantiation of the need to create a Marxist
party, and its direct harbinger was the founded V.I.
Ulyanov-Lenin "Union of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class"
(1895). At the first congress of the RSDLP in Minsk (March 1898)
the formation of such a party was proclaimed, but to unite all the existing
groups and circles across the country she failed. Solving this problem
contributed to the publication of the newspaper "Iskra", the theoretical works of Plekhanov,
Ulyanov and other prominent figures of Russian social democracy.

The Second Congress of the RSDLP (July-August 1903) adopted the Program and the Charter
parties, which over the course of a decade and a half have become its most important
documents on the formation of the political line of the revolution, the establishment and
assertion of workers' power. During the discussion of the main issues on
congress, the party split into two parts - supporters of V.I.
Ulyanov-Lenin, who received the majority of votes in the elections to
central authorities (Bolsheviks), and opponents of the Leninist plan
creation of a revolutionary proletarian party (Mensheviks). In subsequent
years, both currents from time to time organizationally united (in
in most regions, the united organizations of the RSDLP acted until
until the October events of 1917), and then again delimited according to one or another
other reasons. A number of prominent figures of the Social Democrats occupied an intermediate
position, or moved from one faction to another. Most
consistent leaders of Menshevism (until 1917 the Mensheviks
numerically prevailed over the Bolsheviks) were P.B. Axelrod, F.I.
Dan, Yu.O. Martov, A.S. Martynov, A.N. Potresov, N.S. Chkheidze and others.

Along with the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks in the Social Democratic
movement of Russia on the eve and during the revolution acted a number of
parties and organizations of the national (with a predominance of the nationalist)
directions: Social Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania,
Social Democratic Party of Finland, General Jewish Workers Union
in Lithuania, Poland and Russia (Bund), Zionist Socialist Workers
party ("Paolei Zion"), the Revolutionary Ukrainian Party (in 1905.
split into two: the Ukrainian Social Democratic Union and the Ukrainian
Social Democratic Labor Party), Armenian Social Democratic
Hunchak Party, Armenian Social Democratic Organization
(specifics), Social Democratic Party of Lithuania, Estonian
Social Democratic Workers Union, Latvian Social Democratic
Workers' Party (since 1906 - Social Democracy of the Latvian Territory). All these
the parties also considered themselves to be Marxist. Pay special attention to solving
national question based on the theory of national-cultural autonomy,
advocated the restructuring of the RSDLP on a national basis - on the basis of
federations of national organizations, regardless of the general party
guides. Both wings of the revolutionary-democratic camp (Marxists
and populists) took an active part in the revolutionary events
1905-07

Thus, on the eve and during the revolution of 1905-07. in the country
a whole system of political parties of various orientations has developed,
covering almost the entire territory of Russia. For example, RSDLP organizations
there were in 494 settlements, RPSR - in 508, cadets - 360,
Octobrists - 260, Black Hundreds - 487. In quantitative terms (to
1907) united the main parties: the Black Hundreds, about 410 thousand.
members, RSDLP, including Polish, Latvian and Jewish Social-Democrats, about 170
thousand, Octobrists, together with adjoining organizations - up to 80 thousand,

Socialist-Revolutionaries - more than 65 thousand, Cadets - 50 thousand.

The situation that has developed in the country under the influence of objective and
subjective factors, urgently demanded decisive measures to
renewal of the political system of society. The tsarist autocracy was forced
was to go under these conditions to convene the 1st State Duma,
who worked for 72 days (from April 27 to July 07, 1906). The elections to the Duma were
not direct, multistage (voters did not vote for candidates, but
electors) and were held in four unequal curiae
(landowning, urban, peasant and working). electoral
women, military personnel, students and a number of nationalities were deprived of their rights
national outskirts. Despite the fact that uneven fastening for
curias of deputy seats, guaranteed the election of a larger number
representatives of the wealthy classes, the composition of the Duma could in no way
to satisfy the supporters of the autocracy. In the 1st Duma out of 478 deputies
consisted of 179 cadets, 63 autonomists, 16 Octobrists, 18
Social Democrats, 97 Trudoviks and 105 officially non-partisans.

Professor S.A. presided over the Duma. Muromtsev, one of the leaders
cadets.

The composition of the 2nd State Duma, which existed for 103 days (from 20
February to June 2, 1907), turned out to be more representative. From 490
104 deputies were Trudoviks, 98 (almost two times less compared to
with the first convocation) - Cadets, 65 - Social Democrats, 54 -
Octobrists, 37 - Socialist-Revolutionaries, 16 - People's Socialists, 116 -
various right and non-partisan. F.A. was elected Chairman of the Duma.
Golovin is a member of the Central Committee of the Cadets Party.

("Trudoviks" were members of the Labor Group faction, consisting
from deputies of peasants and intellectuals of the populist direction. Herself
The group was formed in 1906. as an organization of peasant deputies of the 1st
Duma. The Trudoviks demanded - democracy, silent about the overthrow
autocracy, universal suffrage, democratic freedoms,
transfer of land to peasants, with the nationalization of all land, except for
peasant allotment and private ownership, not exceeding the labor
rules, hence the name. Published the newspaper "Working People".
One of the leaders of the group was A.F. Kerensky. In June 1917 Trudoviks
united with the Popular Socialists to form the Labor People's Socialist Party).

On programmatic and tactical issues.

The Social Revolutionaries tried to boycott the manifesto on the dissolution of the 2nd Duma. However
then admitted that the idea of a general action of a mass response was not
received. On the night of June 3, 1907. the police carried out the defeat of the Socialist-Revolutionaries
organizations. Numerous arrests of Socialist-Revolutionaries in large cities took place
countries. The Enes refused the proposal of the Socialist-Revolutionaries to boycott the tsarist
manifesto. After 1907 until the February Revolution of 1917. activity
this party has practically ceased. In fact, on the path to elimination
party, the Mensheviks stood up, deepening the already irreparable split in
the Social Democrats. Until the February Revolution of 1917. overwhelming majority
leaders and activists of the RSDLP was either in exile or in forced
immigration. The parties of the national outskirts were subjected to strong persecution.
Many of them have also practically ceased their activities.

The monarchist parties enthusiastically greeted the tsar's manifesto,
considering it as the first step towards the restoration of the old order and
unlimited power of the monarch. The leaders of the Union of the Russian People sent
on this occasion, a welcome telegram to the king. However, during the reaction
monarchist parties also did not strengthen their positions. In the elections in III
The RNC received only 32 seats in the Duma. After a while in this party
a split occurred. Under the leadership of V.M. Purishkevich in 1908. from part
members of the RNC, the "All-Russian Union of Michael the Archangel" was created. By 1910
the entire Union broke up directly into the "Union of the Russian People" and
All-Russian Dubrovinsky Union of the Russian People. crisis phenomena
observed within other Black Hundreds and nationalist parties.

Under the new electoral law, elections to the Third State Duma
were even more discriminatory. Representation of workers and peasants
was halved. Workers and peasants could only nominate 25%
electors, while the landowners and the big bourgeoisie - 75%. was shrinking
representation of the national outskirts. The proof of this can
serve as follows: if in the 1st and 2nd Dumas the number of deputies from the Turkic
the population was more than 40, then in the 3rd it did not exceed 10, and already in the 4th
The State Duma had only 7 deputies.

As a result, out of 442 deputies, 409 were representatives
bourgeois-landowner parties (primarily the Octobrists - the most
large fraction). The Social Democrats had 19 seats, the Trudoviks only 14. In the data
conditions, the official opposition to power was led by the Octobrists and the Cadets.
The following were elected in turn as chairmen of the III Duma: N.A. Khomyakov, since 1910. -
A.I. Guchkov, founder and leader of the Octobrist Party, since 1911. – M.V.
Rodzianko, also one of the leaders of the Octobrists.

The reaction continued for three years. Objective and subjective factors
class struggle in Russia led to a new revolutionary upsurge. IN
1910 the revival of the labor movement and democratic groups began
students. By 1912 1.5 million people participated in the strike movement.
workers, most with political demands. Climax
political events began in 1912. In the spring, the tsarist troops shot
striking workers in the gold mines on the Lena River, which caused a massive
protest across the country. Elections to the IV State Duma were held in autumn.
11/15/1912 The Duma began its work in the following composition: 185 deputies
- Right and extreme right, 98 - Octobrists, 48 - Progressives, 59 -
Cadets, 14 - Social Democrats (including 6 - Bolsheviks), 44 -
Trudoviks, autonomists and non-party people. Presiding - Octobrist
V.M. Rodzianko.

In October 1913 The Bolsheviks formed an independent faction -
"Russian Social-Democratic Labor Fraction" (Chairman - G.I.
Petrovsky), which, along with the newspaper Pravda, became the main party
legal centre. In November 1914 all members of the faction were arrested and in
1915 exiled to Eastern Siberia.

Under the new conditions, the revolutionary-democratic parties began to expand
their work among the masses. From May 1912 The newspaper "Pravda" began to appear.
Mensheviks, before 1917 who did not have their own Central Committee, at the August meeting
(1912) the Organizational
committee headed by P.B. Axelrod.

The rise of the labor movement had its effect on the evolution
bourgeois parties. There were also changes in their ranks. Especially
this was evident among the Octobrists. The faction of this party in the Duma
split into three parts ("right", "centrists" and the Octobrists proper),
each of which developed its own political line. In 1915
the Octobrists ceased to exist as a political party, remaining
parliamentary faction.

In November 1912 organizationally took shape, already mentioned above,
Progressive Party (Progressives). The program was adopted
tactics developed. The initiative in this game belonged to the young
generation of Russian capitalists who contributed to the process
political consolidation of business circles of big capital. Leaders
parties: A.I. Konovalov, V.P. and P.P. Ryabushinsky and others. Printed organs -
newspapers "Russian rumor", "Morning of Russia".

In the camp of the monarchist parties, a new revolutionary upsurge caused
extreme anxiety and concern. Sticking to your line of pursuit
Jews (“The Beilis Affair” of 1913) and socialists, they now focused on
incitement of chauvinism in relation to "foreigners in general", in every possible way
exacerbating the already tense national question.

The political situation in the country and the confrontation of the parties are even more
escalated as the confrontation between the two
military-political blocs: the Entente (including Russia) and
Quarter Union (Austria-Hungary, Germany, Bulgaria and Türkiye).
The clash of their interests in the struggle for spheres of influence, sources of raw materials and
markets eventually led to the world imperialist war
(1914-1918), which brought innumerable disasters to the peoples drawn into it
and suffering.

With the outbreak of the war, the country was engulfed in an unprecedented rise
patriotic and anti-German sentiments. ruling classes Russia
the war was profitable, with its help they expected to strengthen the weakening
monarchy and put an end to the revolutionary movement. Slightly different tactics
adhered to the bourgeois-liberal parties, generally solidarizing
with the aggressive policy of autocracy (the war for Russia was fought in
primarily for access to the Mediterranean Sea), expressed dissatisfaction
the inability of the government to ensure the success of military operations at the front.
This was most clearly manifested in the creation (August 1915) of the “Progressive
bloc”, which united the factions of the Cadets, Progressives, all three factions
Octobrists and so-called. "progressive nationalists" who have gone from extreme
right-wing monarchists in opposition to the government. Block leaders before
total cadet P.N. Milyukov (nicknamed for his commitment to the idea of capturing
Mediterranean straits Milyukov-Dardanel), offered
restore the trade unions and zemstvos (local governments), mitigate in
national tension in the country and at the same time advocated the preservation
monarchy and bringing the war to a victorious end. Practical work
members of the Progressive Bloc was sent to help the government in
organizing the supply of the Russian army through the created by them on July 10, 1915.
Joint Committee of the Zemsky and City Unions ("Zemgor").

The vast majority of the leaders of the revolutionary democratic parties also
stood on the positions of "defense" (maintaining the war until victorious
end). Recognizing at the same time the imperialist essence of war and
the possibility of its termination through the international association of workers.

RUSSIAN POLITICAL PARTIES IN 1917

By the beginning of the February bourgeois-democratic revolution in Russia
continued to operate, multiplying in number, the political parties of the three
main camps: landlord-monarchist (government),
liberal bourgeoisie and revolutionary-democratic.

In the most difficult situation were the parties of the revolutionary
democracies ("socialist"). operated illegally in the country.
organizations of Bolsheviks, Mensheviks, Socialist-Revolutionaries, United
Social Democrats, Trudoviks, People's Socialists, National Parties
social democratic and socialist-revolutionary orientation.

The total number of these parties by February 1917. did not exceed 20. Many of
they broke up and existed in the form of small groups, torn apart
factional conflicts.

The bourgeois parties were represented by the Cadets, Progressives,
Octobrists (preserved, as mentioned above, in the form of a faction in
State Duma), in the national regions - Ukrainian
the radical democratic party, the Democratic Party of Lithuania,
Latvian People's Party, Muslim Democratic Party
Musavat and others. These parties consistently advocated the transformation
autocracy into a constitutional monarchy. With the fall of autocracy, they
became supporters of the republican system.

The February bourgeois-democratic revolution led to profound
shifts in the balance of class forces, the position of the parties also changed.
The revolution quickly swept away the monarchist and nationalist parties,
the expression of contemporaries "they all miraculously disappeared at once." Members
these parties, frightened by the anti-monarchist impulse of the masses,
most of them temporarily retired from active political activity,
some later joined the Cadets. Stopped playing
any significant role and the parties that were close to them
(Octobrists). The Progressives also went over to the Cadets, the rest
which became known as the Radical Democratic Party. Later,
some leaders of these parties created the so-called. "Group of public
figures”, officially standing outside the parties, and uniting representatives
large commercial and industrial bourgeoisie (leaders: Rodzianko and Shulgin).
Representatives of the group were part of the last composition of the Provisional
government.

Cadets from the opposition became the ruling, and later the
influential bourgeois party. After the overthrow of the autocracy, all power
taken over by the State Duma of the fourth convocation. The thought should
transfer power to the All-Russian Constituent Assembly (for convening
which all non-monarchist parties spoke), the elections to which
appointed at the end of 1917. Until the meeting is called, executive functions
were transferred to the Provisional Government, formed (originally) from
members of the State Duma. To the first government (15.03-19.05.1917)
included mainly representatives of the bourgeois parties: 2 Octobrists, 5
Cadets, progressive, representative of the “center” group, Trudovik (hereinafter
Socialist-Revolutionary - Kerensky) and two non-Party people who are adjacent to the Cadets. Key
the posts were occupied by: close to the Cadets, Prince G.E. Lvov is prime minister and
Minister of the Interior, Cadet P.N. Miliukov - Minister of Foreign Affairs and
Octobrist A.V. Guchkov - military and naval minister. The exception was
Socialist-Revolutionary A.F. Kerensky as Minister of Justice (the first case of entering
government of Russia representative of the "socialist" party).

At the 7th Congress (March 1917), the Cadets officially proclaimed themselves
supporters of the republican system. Rejecting the ideas of constitutional
monarchy, pointed out that "Russia must be a democratic parliamentary
republic" headed by a president elected by the people
representation (parliament) for a fixed period and the manager
country through the ministry responsible to the people
representation. The Cadets' programmatic demands for
alienation of landowners' lands in favor of the peasantry ("with remuneration
current owners at a fair price”), acceptance of a worker
legislation with guarantees of the rights to freedom of formation of workers' unions,
meetings, strikes, the introduction of an 8-hour working day.
The Cadets also declared the abolition of class distinctions and privileges,
equalization of the rights of all peoples inhabiting the country, the abolition of the passport
system, the right to freely travel abroad, the provision of basic
civil rights and freedoms. The political course of the Cadets provided for
autocracy of the Provisional Government. As for the emerging Soviets
workers', peasants' and soldiers' deputies, the Cadet Central Committee determined
their role as advisory, subsidiary bodies under the Provisional
government. Emphasizing the need for the speedy implementation
social reforms, the Cadets spoke out against their implementation before the convocation
the Constituent Assembly; they considered urgent only the reform of the local
self-government. In the field of foreign policy, the Cadets stood on the positions
continuation of the war until complete victory over Germany and loyalty to Russia
allied obligations to the Entente. The Cadets managed to secure
support of significant layers of officers, students and students
senior classes. By the autumn of 1917 cadets had about 370 local
organizations. The total number of the party ranged from 60 to 80 thousand people.
members.

The main opposition forces at that moment were
"socialist" parties, which for the first time embarked on a legal political
activities in Russia. from the link and forced emigration returned them
leaders. The Socialist-Revolutionary, Menshevik, Bolshevik parties have turned into truly
mass popular parties enjoying support among the workers,
peasants and petty bourgeoisie. One of the main problems of these parties was
lack of representation in governing bodies,
the resolution of which was originally found in the creation of the Petrograd
Council of Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Deputies. which became
unofficial government, as opposed to the official - Provisional.
At the First Congress of Soviets (June 1917), the majority of deputies were
Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks (Bolshevik faction - 105 out of 777 deputies). From
15 members of the Executive Committee 13 were representatives of these parties,
2 - Bolsheviks. Until September, Chairman of the Petrograd Soviet
was the Menshevik N.S. Chkheidze.

None of the "socialist" parties differed in ideological and
organizational unity. So by February 1917. Menshevik Party
came fragmented into four factions: 1) defencists (A.N. Potresov,
M.I. Lieber), who spoke with the slogan of the defense of the fatherland; 2)
internationalists (Yu.O. Martov, V.A. Bazarov), who opposed
war, nationalism and chauvinism (in February 1918 some of them will create
RSDLP - internationalists); 3) centrists (F.I. Dan, N.S. Chkheidze, I.G.
Tsereteli), who stood in intermediate positions; 4) the group "Unity" in
headed by G.V. Plekhanov, created with the aim of uniting various trends in
party and uniting a very narrow group of personal followers of its
leader. After the February Revolution, they are united within the framework of
single organization. The association was rather formal, on the wave
February, and not in essence, which, however, did not prevent the overall growth
party size.

Only the so-called group stood apart. United Social Democrats
who left the RSDLP (or the New Life group, by the name of the same name,
popular newspaper). The program of the group was close to the program
Menshevik-Internationalists, with the only difference that the members of the group did not
wanted to associate themselves with either of the two main factions of the RSDLP. In
The head of the group was Maxim Gorky. The group's social base was narrow:
intelligentsia and a small part of the workers.

The processes that took place in the Socialist-Revolutionary Party were in many respects similar to those
what happened to the Mensheviks. The Socialist Revolutionary Party became
quickly swell after the February Revolution due to the so-called. March
Socialist-Revolutionaries - officials, officers, merchants, representatives of various strata
intellectuals, who in their views rarely differed from
cadets. At the same time, the peasants joined the party, attracted
perspective of the socialization of the land. Peasants signed up as Socialist-Revolutionaries whole
villages, and in the army - whole companies. By the summer of 1917 in the RPSR there were
over half a million people.

Like the Mensheviks, the Socialist-Revolutionaries did not overcome disunity. One of them,
defensists, still took the position of continuing the war (N.D.
Avksentiev, B.V. Savinkov). Moderate internationalists and some
centrists condemned the war, but advocated the preservation of the unity of the party
(V.M. Chernov, M.A. Natanson) and support for the Provisional Government. At that
At the same time, a left wing gradually formed in the ranks of the Socialist-Revolutionaries, headed by
M.A. Spiridonova. At the III Party Congress (May 1917) they took a step towards
ways of forming an independent organization: they chose the Organizational
bureau of the left wing of the RPSR, which served as the basis for the creation of the Party of the Left
Socialist-Revolutionaries (November 1917). At the same time, the Ukrainian Socialist-Revolutionaries left the party,
who formed the Ukrainian Party of Socialist Revolutionaries, which took
nationalist positions.

Both the Socialist-Revolutionary Party and the Menshevik Party advocated an unconditional
election of the Constituent Assembly. Prior to the elections, they held
course towards maintaining the Provisional Government and cooperation with
bourgeois parties (the need for a coalition of all democratic forces),
which was confirmed by the support of the Petrograd Soviet
Provisional Government, and then the entry of the Mensheviks into it and
Socialist-Revolutionaries.

Before returning from immigration V.I. Lenin's process of disengagement on
defencists (V.S. Voitinsky, Sh.Z. Eliava), internationalists (A.M.
Kollontai, V.P. Milyutin) and centrists who advocated a "moderate"
support for the Provisional Government (L.B. Kamenev, I.V. Stalin),
observed in the Bolshevik Party.

Like other "socialist" parties, the Bolsheviks withdrew from
underground immediately after the overthrow of the autocracy. By the VI Congress (July-August
1917) there were 240 thousand members in the party. By social composition
she was a worker-peasant. The party totaled by the summer of 1917. 8
regional, more than 200 city, more than 300 district and subdistrict
committees. The largest were Petrograd (40 thousand) and Moscow
(15 thousand) party organizations.

Over time, the Bolsheviks take the position of denying support
of the Provisional Government, as not corresponding to the prevailing in the country
socio-political situation, and the transfer of full power
Soviets. Likewise, the bulk of the Bolsheviks sided with
Lenin's principles of an unconditional cessation of the war, without waiting
convocation of the Constituent Assembly. With the entry of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries into
coalition composition of the Provisional Government, the Bolsheviks turned into
the largest force of the left opposition of the moderate socialist
government.

The first coalition cabinet was formed on May 5, consisting of: 8
Cadets and adjoining, 3 Socialist-Revolutionaries, 2 Mensheviks and an Octobrist. Creation
coalition government was associated with a political crisis,
arising in connection with the note of the Minister of Foreign Affairs P.N. Milyukov to
to the Allied Powers about the intention of the Provisional Government to wage war
until complete victory. At the call of the Bolsheviks on April 21 in Petrograd and other
cities, mass demonstrations took place demanding peace and the transfer
power to the Soviets. Milyukov was forced to resign.

After the events of July 3 in Petrograd (the shooting of a peaceful demonstration from
demand "All power to the Soviets!", with the participation of 500 thousand people)
the Bolsheviks determined that it was not possible to transfer power to the Soviets by peaceful
way, the slogan "All power to the Soviets!" was removed by them. The course was set for
armed uprising, the decision on which was adopted at the VI Congress
the Bolshevik Party.

Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks begin to form a new coalition
government, this time led by the Socialist-Revolutionary A.F. Kerensky (7 cadets and
adjoining, 5 Socialist-Revolutionaries and Popular Socialists, 3 Mensheviks).

Slogans about immediate peace and the removal of representatives from power
bourgeoisie, found more and more support from the broad masses of workers and
peasants, primarily in large cities (in Petrograd on the eve
October Revolution there were up to 100 thousand who fled from the front,
succumbing to Bolshevik agitation, soldier). In the elections to the central
180,000 people voted for the Bolsheviks in the city duma of Petrograd.

Elections to the central and regional dumas in Moscow (1917)

June
September

SRs 58 seats
14 places

Cadets 17 places
30 places

Mensheviks 12 seats 4
places

Bolsheviks 11 seats
47 places

The new alignment of political forces was shown by the Second Congress of Soviets,
assembled on 25 October. Of the 670 mandates, the Bolsheviks had 300.
The successful armed uprising of the Bolsheviks and
the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries who supported them, overthrew the Provisional Government. Accepted
participation in the congress by representatives of the Mensheviks, Right Socialist-Revolutionaries and Bundists
(50 delegates), accusing the Bolsheviks of a conspiracy, left the congress. Laying
full power to the Congress of Soviets, the Bolsheviks formed
one-party government (Council of People's Commissars). In general, in addition to
faction, the Bolsheviks relied on the factions of the left
Socialist-Revolutionaries (193 mandates) and Menshevik Internationalists (14). Chosen on
II Congress of Soviets, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee in
as the supreme legislative, administrative and
controlling body, consisted of 62 Bolsheviks, 29 Left Social Revolutionaries, 6
s.-d. (internationalists), 3 Ukrainian socialists and 1
s.r.-maximalist. In a number of local Soviets, the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries accounted for up to 50%
their composition. At the end of November 1917 Left SRs agreed to join
the Bolshevik government, with a third of the portfolios and playing the role of a moderate
opposition. This cooperation ended after the conclusion of the Brest
peace with Germany in March 1918.

Even at their emergency session of the Central Committee on October 28, the Cadets announced
the new government went to war and went underground. On the same
Many socialist parties and groups also took positions.

The subsequent course of events is well known to all.

CONCLUSION

Despite the concentration in the hands of the Bolsheviks of all power
(Petrograd, Moscow and a number of other large industrial centers), leaders
Council of People's Commissars did not dare to cancel the elections to the Constituent
meeting (the organization of which was in full swing). The idea of its convocation was
very popular among the masses. Elections were held according to party lists
(in a number of provincial cities there were up to 40 such lists). Condition
holding elections on party lists, was in line with the
one of the points of the program of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party: “4 p. It is necessary
proportional representation from parties. In the national assembly
the voice of not only the majority but also the minority must be heard. minority
in accordance with its quantity, the right to participate in the representation is given.
This is required by justice, because the truth is not always on
side of the majority.

THE CONSIGNMENT
NUMBER OF VOICES

People's Socialists
19 109

Cadets
245 006

Peasant Democrats
3 707

Bolsheviks
424 027

Socialist Universalists
158

Ukrainian and Jewish Social-Democratic Workers and s.-r.
4 219

Women's Equality League
5 310

Socialist Revolutionaries (defensists) 4
696

Left SRs
152 230

People's Development Union
385

Radical Democrats
413

Orthodox parishes
24 139

Women's Union for the Rescue of the Motherland
318

Independent Union of Workers, Soldiers and Peasants 4
942

Christian Democrats (Catholics)
14 382

United Social Democrats
11 740

Mensheviks
17 428

Group "Unity"
1 823

Union of Cossack Troops
6 712

In general, throughout the country for the lists of Socialist-Revolutionaries (in most areas, left
the Socialist-Revolutionaries did not have time to put up separate lists, and their candidates went to
general-party elections) and related parties, 20.9 million applications were submitted.
votes (45.4%), lists of Bolsheviks - 9.2 million (20%), Cadets - 6 million.
(13%), Mensheviks - 1.8 million (3.9%), other parties collected 8 million.
votes (17.4%). No one could imagine that for the next eight
decades - these are the last (as well as the first) free, multi-party
elections with the participation of the entire population.

A total of 715 deputies were elected. The meeting took place on January 18
1918 410 deputies appeared at the Tauride Palace in Petrograd.
Bolsheviks and Left Social Revolutionaries - 155 people (37.8%). dominated
SR-centrists. By a majority of votes, the Assembly refused to discuss
adopted by the Bolshevik All-Russian Central Executive Committee Declaration of the Rights of Workers and
exploited people, did not recognize the decrees of Soviet power. Closed
at 5 o'clock in the morning on January 19. On the night of January 19-20, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee adopted a decree on
dissolution of the Constituent Assembly. An end was put to the emerging
Russian parliamentarism. By 1922 on the territory of Russia
no political party operated legally, except for the party
Bolsheviks.

The topic of this work does not include a discussion of causes and consequences.
the events described. I just wanted to note that the presence of a rigid
ideological dictatorship over the next 80 years and the lack of
of the Russian Society for the Culture of Political Pluralism, caused
many complications in the transition to a democratic system of government in
early 1990s.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Orlova N.V. "Political parties of Russia: the experience of history" - M., 1994

John Reed "Ten Days That Shook the World" - M., 1968

Semenov Y. "Guchkov's Syndrome (Version - V)" - M, 1989

Gayaz Iskhaki "Idel-Ural" - N.Ch., 1993

History test

Topic: Activities of political parties in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century

Completed by: Elkin S.I.

Socialist parties: -Party of Socialist Revolutionaries -RSDLP Liberal parties: -Constitutional Democratic Party -Union of October 17 Conservative-monarchist parties: -Union of the Russian people -Russian People's Union named after Michael the Archangel Political parties in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century.

Party of Socialist Revolutionaries (SRs) Year of foundation - In the second half of the 1890s, small populist-socialist groups and circles existed in St. Petersburg, Penza, Poltava, Voronezh, Kharkov, and Odessa. Some of them united in 1900 in the Southern Party of Socialist Revolutionaries, the other in 1901 - in the Union of Socialist-Revolutionaries. At the end of 1901, the Southern Party of Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Union of Socialist-Revolutionaries merged, and in January 1902 the Revolutionary Russia newspaper announced the creation of the party. The Geneva "Agrarian-Socialist League" joined it. In the second half of the 1890s, small populist-socialist groups and circles existed in St. Petersburg, Penza, Poltava, Voronezh, Kharkov, and Odessa. Some of them united in 1900 in the Southern Party of Socialist Revolutionaries, the other in 1901 - in the Union of Socialist-Revolutionaries. At the end of 1901, the Southern Party of Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Union of Socialist-Revolutionaries merged, and in January 1902 the Revolutionary Russia newspaper announced the creation of the party. The Geneva "Agrarian-Socialist League" joined it. Later, the party split into right (V.M. Chernov) and left (M.A. Spiridonova) Socialist-Revolutionaries. Later, the party split into right (V.M. Chernov) and left (M.A. Spiridonova) Socialist-Revolutionaries.

The activity of the party was originally underground The activity of the party was initially underground Simultaneously with the establishment of the party itself, its Combat Organization (BO) was created. Its leaders - G.A. Gershuni, E.F. Azef - put forward individual terror against top government officials as the main goal of their activities. Simultaneously with the establishment of the party itself, its Combat Organization (BO) was created. Its leaders - G.A. Gershuni, E.F. Azef - put forward individual terror against top government officials as the main goal of their activities. The victims of this terror in 1902-1905. became ministers of internal affairs (D.S. Sipyagin, V.K. Pleve), governors (I.M. Obolensky, N.M. Kachura), and also led. book. Sergey Aleksandrovich. The victims of this terror in 1902-1905. became ministers of internal affairs (D.S. Sipyagin, V.K. Pleve), governors (I.M. Obolensky, N.M. Kachura), and also led. book. Sergey Aleksandrovich. During the two and a half years of the first Russian revolution, the Socialist Revolutionaries committed about 200 terrorist acts During the two and a half years of the first Russian revolution, the Socialist Revolutionaries committed about 200 terrorist acts

Work question: -Granting civil liberties to workers -Creation of local self-government -Development of cooperatives National question: -Autonomy for communities and regions of the country -Federative structure of Russia and the right to self-determination, excluding secession from Russia Socialist-Revolutionary Program

RSDLP

RSDLP RSDLP - Russian Social Democratic Labor Party RSDLP - Russian Social Democratic Labor Party The first social democratic circles appeared in the Russian Empire in the late 1880s. In 1895, the "Union of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class" arose from the St. Petersburg Social Democratic Group, in which V.I. Lenin had a great merit. In 1887, a meeting was held in Kyiv between the Kyiv Social Democratic group "Working Business" and the Social Democrats of St. Petersburg and Moscow. The first social democratic circles appeared in the Russian Empire in the late 1880s. In 1895, the "Union of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class" arose from the St. Petersburg Social Democratic Group, in which V.I. Lenin had a great merit. In 1887, a meeting was held in Kyiv between the Kyiv Social Democratic group "Working Business" and the Social Democrats of St. Petersburg and Moscow. The social base and priority category for the RSDLP is the proletariat (industrial workers) The social base and priority category for the RSDLP is the proletariat (industrial workers)

1898 - I Congress of the RSDLP Party in Minsk, which proclaimed the creation of the party 1898 - I Congress of the RSDLP Party in Minsk, which proclaimed the creation of the party 1903 - II Congress of the Party in London. At the congress, a split occurred into the Bolsheviks - the RSDLP (b) and the Mensheviks - the RSDLP (m) (independent parties since 1912) and the party program of the city was adopted - the II Party Congress in London. At the congress, a split occurred into the Bolsheviks - the RSDLP (b) and the Mensheviks - the RSDLP (m) (independent parties since 1912) and the party program was adopted. The leader of the Bolsheviks - V.I. Lenin, the leader of the Mensheviks - Yu.O. Martov The leader of the Bolsheviks - V.I. Lenin, the leader of the Mensheviks - Yu.O. Martov RSDLP

BOLSHEVIKI Gleb Maksimilianovich Krzhizhanovsky Nadezhda Konstantinovna Krupskaya (Lenin's wife) Iosif Vissarionovich Stalin (Dzhugashvili) Vladimir Ilyich Lenin (Ulyanov), chairman Yakov Mikhailovich Sverdlov Anatoly Ivanovich Lunacharsky Ivan Vasilyevich Babushkin

The party had 2 programs: The party had 2 programs: -The maximum program - the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the victory of the socialist revolution -The minimum program - the tasks of the democratic revolution In 1907, the membership of the party was 160 thousand people, about 60% were workers. In 1907, the membership of the party was 160 thousand people, about 60% were workers. RSDLP

The party originated from the Union of Liberation group of liberal intelligentsia, which consisted mainly of zemstvo activists and organized in 1902 with the aim of agitating in favor of a constitutional order, against autocracy. The party originated from the Union of Liberation group of liberal intelligentsia, which consisted mainly of zemstvo activists and organized in 1902 with the aim of agitating in favor of a constitutional order, against autocracy. In the years published abroad the journal "Liberation" (ed. P. B. Struve, 79 issues were published). In the years published abroad the journal "Liberation" (ed. P. B. Struve, 79 issues were published). In the years the movement grew at the congresses of zemstvo and city leaders, just as the party took shape at the founding congress on October 12-18, 1905. In the years the movement grew at the congresses of zemstvo and city leaders, just as the party took shape at the founding congress on October 12-18, 1905. Constitutional Democratic Party (Kadets)

Chairman - P.N. Milyukov Chairman - P.N. Milyukov Leaders - S.A. Muromtsev, F.A. Golovin, G.E. Lvov, V.D. Nabokov Leaders - S.A. Muromtsev, F.A. Golovin, G.E. Lvov, V.D. Nabokov The members of the party were: The members of the party were: -Scientists V.I. Vernadsky; P.B. Struve, A.S. Izgoev, A.A. Kornilov, A.A. Kizevetter, M.O. Gershenzon, Yu.V. Gauthier - lawyers V.M. Gessen, S.A. Kotlyarevsky, L.I. Petrazhitsky, M.M. Vinaver, A.R. Lednitsky, V.A. Maklakov - prominent zemstvo figures F.I. Rodichev, I.I. Petrunkevich, A.I. Shingarev Constitutional Democratic Party (Kadets)

The main part of the party was the intelligentsia, the educated strata of the population. The main part of the party was the intelligentsia, the educated strata of the population. Legal methods and propaganda were used to fight. Legal methods and propaganda were used to fight. The Cadets expressed their views in the journal Vestnik of the Party of People's Freedom and the newspaper Rech. The Cadets expressed their views in the journal Vestnik of the Party of People's Freedom and the newspaper Rech. Constitutional Democratic Party (Kadets)

Cadets program Power: -Introduction of the constitution -Constitutional monarchy (with the predominance of parliament) -Reform development path -Freedom of conscience, speech, press, assembly, unions -Government accountability to parliament -Independence of the judiciary -Equality of all in rights and before the law -Universal, direct , secret and equal suffrage – Universal elementary education

Peasant question: - Alienation of part of privately owned lands for redemption - Free transfer to peasants of state, appanage, cabinet and monastic lands - Creation of a land committee to resolve the land issue - Development of market and lease relations in the countryside and further destruction of the peasant community Program of the Cadets

Work question: The right to: The right to: 1. 8-hour working day 2. Strikes 3. Insurance 4. Creation of workers' unions National question: Preservation of a single indivisible Russia Preservation of a single indivisible Russia Cultural autonomy of the peoples of Russia - the autonomy of any isolated ethnic group in solving questions of the organization of education, language and any forms of cultural life. The cultural autonomy of the peoples of Russia is the autonomy of any separate ethnic group in solving the issues of organizing education, language and any forms of cultural life. Cadets Program

OCTOBERISTS

"Union of October 17" (Octobrists) The party was founded in October 1905. The name of the party goes back to the Manifesto of October 17, 1905, issued by Nicholas II. The party was founded in October 1905. The name of the party goes back to the Manifesto of October 17, 1905, issued by Nicholas II. Chairman - A.I. Guchkov Chairman - A.I. Guchkov Leaders - M.V. Rodzianko, D.N. Shipov, Baron P.L. Korf Leaders – M.V. Rodzianko, D.N. Shipov, Baron P.L. Korf Among the members of the party were: Among the members of the party were: prominent zemstvo figures - Count P.A. Geiden, M.A. Stakhovich, Prince N.S. Volkonsky, prominent zemstvo figures - Count P.A. Geiden, M.A. Stakhovich, Prince N.S. Volkonsky, cultural figures - L.N. Benois, V.I. Guerrier cultural figures - L.N. Benois, V.I. Guerrier lawyers F.N. Plevako, V.I. Sergeevich lawyers F.N. Plevako, V.I. Sergeevich representatives of business circles - N.S. Avdakov, E.L. Nobel, Brothers V.P. and P.P. Ryabushinsky and jeweler K.G. Faberge. representatives of business circles - N.S. Avdakov, E.L. Nobel, Brothers V.P. and P.P. Ryabushinsky and jeweler K.G. Faberge.

The main body of the party - officials, landlords, big industrialists and financiers The main mass of the party - officials, landowners, big industrialists and financiers The main method of struggle is propaganda. The main method of struggle is propaganda. Views were expressed in more than 50 newspapers in Russian, German and Latvian, including: Voice of Moscow, Slovo, Vremya. Views were expressed in more than 50 newspapers in Russian, German and Latvian, including: Voice of Moscow, Slovo, Vremya. "Union of October 17" (Octobrists)

Octobrist program Power: -Constitutional monarchy (dominated by the monarch) -Local self-government -Assistance to the tsarist government -Reform way of development . Support for agrarian reform P.A. Stolypin

Labor question: -rationing of the working day, but in view of the technical backwardness from Europe, it is not necessary to reduce the working day to 8 hours -Limitation of strikes -Introduction of labor legislation -Rights to form trade unions empires except Finland Octobrist program

Union of the Russian People (Black Hundreds) Founded in 1905. Created in 1905. Chairman - A.I. Dubrovin, Chairman - A.I. Dubrovin, Leaders - N.E. Markov, V.M. Purishkevich Leaders - N.E. Markov, V.M. Purishkevich Later, a part of the "Union of the Russian People" broke away and the party "Russian People's Union named after Michael the Archangel" was organized. Later, a part of the "Union of the Russian People" broke away and the party "Russian People's Union named after Michael the Archangel" was organized. The printed organ of the party is the newspaper "Russian Banner". Also, the "Union of the Russian People" expressed its views in the magazine "For the Tsar", the newspapers "Bell", "Moskovskie Vedomosti". The printed organ of the party is the newspaper "Russian Banner". Also, the "Union of the Russian People" expressed its views in the magazine "For the Tsar", the newspapers "Bell", "Moskovskie Vedomosti". 32 The composition of the party - the landlords, urban lower classes, petty officials, merchants, the patriarchal part of the peasantry. The composition of the party - the landlords, urban lower classes, petty officials, merchants, the patriarchal part of the peasantry. Such prominent figures as Sts. John of Kronstadt, Archimandrite Anthony (Khrapovitsky), scientists D.I. Mendeleev D.I. Ilovaisky, S.V. Levashov, publicists S.A. Nilus, V.V. Rozanov, L.A. Tikhomirov, artist V.M. Vasnetsov. Such prominent figures as Sts. John of Kronstadt, Archimandrite Anthony (Khrapovitsky), scientists D.I. Mendeleev D.I. Ilovaisky, S.V. Levashov, publicists S.A. Nilus, V.V. Rozanov, L.A. Tikhomirov, artist V.M. Vasnetsov. All the future first patriarchs of the Russian Orthodox Church in the Soviet era (Tikhon, Sergius, Alexy I) participated in the work of the Union of the Russian People. All the future first patriarchs of the Russian Orthodox Church in the Soviet era (Tikhon, Sergius, Alexy I) participated in the work of the Union of the Russian People. Union of the Russian People (Black Hundreds)

Methods of struggle - legal, illegal, Black Hundred terror, pogroms. Methods of struggle - legal, illegal, Black Hundred terror, pogroms. Pogrom mass violent actions directed against religious, national or racial minorities. Pogrom mass violent actions directed against religious, national or racial minorities. The largest pogrom in world history took place on April 6-7, 1903 in Chisinau (then the Russian Empire) against local Jews - the Chisinau pogrom. Then 49 people were killed and 586 wounded. After that, the Russian word "pogrom" entered many European languages and became a common feature of our country. The largest pogrom in world history took place on April 6-7, 1903 in Chisinau (then the Russian Empire) against local Jews - the Chisinau pogrom. Then 49 people were killed and 586 wounded. After that, the Russian word "pogrom" entered many European languages and became a common feature of our country. In October 1905, another Jewish pogrom broke out in Yekaterinoslav (modern Dnepropetrovsk), which claimed the lives of 67 people. In October 1905, another Jewish pogrom broke out in Yekaterinoslav (modern Dnepropetrovsk), which claimed the lives of 67 people. Union of the Russian People (Black Hundreds)

In connection with the revolutionary events of 1905, about fifty political parties were formed in Russia - both small-town and large ones, with a network of cells throughout the country. They can be attributed to three areas - radical revolutionary-democratic, liberal-opposition and monarchist conservative parties in Russia. The latter will be mainly discussed in this article.

Party creation process

Historically, the formation of various political parties occurs with a precise system. Opposition left parties are formed first. During the revolution of 1905, that is, a little after the signing of the October Manifesto, numerous centrist parties were formed, uniting, for the most part, the intelligentsia.

And finally, already in reaction to the Manifesto, right-wing parties appeared - the monarchist and conservative parties of Russia. An interesting fact: all these parties disappeared from the historical stage in the reverse order: the February Revolution swept away the right-wingers, then the October Revolution abolished the centrists. Moreover, most of the leftist parties merged with the Bolsheviks or dissolved themselves in the 1920s, when show trials of their leaders began.

List and leaders

The Conservative Party - not a single one - was destined to survive 1917. They were all born in different time and died almost simultaneously. The conservative party "Russian Assembly" existed longer than all the others, because it was created earlier - in 1900. It will be discussed in more detail below.

Conservative Russian People" was founded in 1905, the leaders were Dubrovin and since 1912 - Markov. The "Union of Russian People" existed from 1905 to 1911, then until 1917 it was purely formal. V. A. Gringmuth in the same 1905 founded the Russian which later became "Russian Monarchist Union".

High-born aristocrats also had their own conservative party, the United Nobility, founded in 1906. The famous Russian People's Union of the Archangel was led by V. M. Purishkevich. The national-conservative party "All-Russian National Union" disappeared already in 1912, it was led by Balashov and Shulgin.

The Moderate Right Party ended its existence in 1910. The All-Russian Dubrovinsky Union of the Russian People managed to form only in 1912. Even later, the conservative party "Patriotic Union of the Fatherland" was created by the leaders Orlov and Skvortsov in 1915. A. I. Guchkov assembled his "Union of the Seventeenth of October" in 1906 (the same Octobrists). Here are roughly all the main conservative parties in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century.

"Russian collection"

St. Petersburg became the birthplace of the RS - "Russian Assembly" in November 1900. The poet V. L. Velichko in a narrow circle complained that he was constantly haunted by vague, but clearly prescient visions of how some dark forces were capturing Russia. He proposed to create a kind of community of Russian people, ready to resist the future misfortune. This is how the RS party began - beautifully and patriotically. Already in January 1901, the charter of the RS was prepared and the leadership was elected. As the historian A. D. Stepanov put it at the first meeting, the Black Hundred movement was born.

So far, even this did not sound as threatening as, say, eighteen or twenty years from now. The charter was approved by Senator Durnovo and sealed with warm words full of bright hope. Initially, the meetings of the RS were like a literary and artistic club of the Slavophile persuasion.

Intellectuals, officials, clergy and landowners gathered there. Cultural and educational goals were put at the forefront. However, after the revolution of 1905, thanks to its activities, the RS ceased to be like other conservative parties in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. She became strongly right-wing monarchist.

Activity

In the beginning, the RS hosted discussions of reports and hosted themed evenings. The meetings took place on Fridays and were devoted to political and social problems. "Literary Mondays" were also popular. All "Fridays" were first dealt with by V. V. Komarov, but they became popular and influential in the autumn of 1902, when V. L. Velichko became their head.

Since 1901, in addition to "Mondays" and "Fridays", separate meetings began (here it should be noted the activity of the Regional Department, chaired by Professor A. M. Zolotarev, later this department became an independent organization of the "Russian Regional Society"). Since 1903, under the leadership of N. A. Engelhardt, "literary Tuesdays" have become increasingly popular.

Already in 1901, the "Russian Assembly" numbered more than a thousand people, and in 1902 - six hundred more. Political activity boiled down to the fact that, starting from 1904, petitions and loyal subjects were periodically submitted to the tsar, deputations were organized to the palace and propaganda was carried out in the periodical press.

Deputations at various times were adorned with their presence by Princes Golitsyn and Volkonsky, Count Apraksin, Archpriest Bogolyubov, and no less famous people- Engelhardt, Zolotarev, Mordvinov, Leontiev, Puryshev, Bulatov, Nikolsky. The Sovereign received the delegations of the RS with enthusiasm. Conservative political parties, Nicholas II, one might say, loved and trusted them.

RS and revolutionary turmoil

In 1905 and 1906, the "Russian Assembly" did nothing special, and nothing happened to it, except for the post-revolutionary circular, which was forbidden to be a member of any political communities of military personnel tsarist army. Then the liberal and conservative parties lost many of their members, and the RS left its founder - A. M. Zolotarev.

In February 1906, the RS organized an All-Russian Congress in St. Petersburg. In fact, the Russian Assembly became a party only by 1907, when the program of the conservative party was adopted and additions were made to the charter. Now the RS could elect and be elected to the State Duma and the State Council.

The basis of the program was the motto: "Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality." The "Russian Assembly" did not miss a single monarchist congress. However, it took a very long time to create an independent political faction. The First and Second Dumas did not give the RS a chance, so the party decided not to nominate candidates, on the contrary, to vote for the extreme left (such a trick against the Octobrists and Cadets). The political position at the Third and Fourth Dumas clearly did not recommend to its deputies to bloc with the centrists (Octobrists) and even with moderate right-wing nationalist parties.

splits

Until the end of 1908, passions raged in the monarchist camp, the results of which were splits in many organizations. For example, the conflict between Purishkevich and Dubrovin split the Union of the Russian People, after which the Union of the Archangel Michael appeared. Opinions in the RS are also divided. The party was haunted by quarrels, departures and deaths, but especially by the bureaucratic dead.

By 1914, the leaders of the RS decided on the absolute depoliticization of the party, seeing in the educational and cultural orientation the right way to resolve conflicts. However, the war deepened all the rifts in relations, since the Markovites were in favor of an immediate conclusion of peace with Germany, and Purishkevich's supporters, on the contrary, they needed a war to a victorious end. As a result, by the February Revolution, the "Russian Assembly" had outlived itself and turned into a small circle of the Slavophil direction.

NRC

The Union of the Russian People is another organization representing conservative parties. The table shows how high passionarity was at the beginning of the twentieth century - all kinds of societies, communities multiplied like mushrooms under an autumn rain. The SRN party began to operate in 1905. Its program and activities were entirely based on chauvinistic and even more anti-Semitic ideas of the monarchist persuasion.

Orthodox radicalism especially distinguished the views of its members. The NRC was actively opposed to any kind of revolutions and parliamentarism, stood up for the indivisibility and unity of Russia and advocated joint actions of the authorities and the people, who would be an advisory body under the sovereign. This organization, of course, was banned immediately after the end of the February Revolution, and recently, in 2005, they tried to recreate it.

historical background

Russian nationalism has never been alone in the world. The nineteenth century is universally marked by nationalist movements. In Russia, active political activity was able to appear only during the state crisis, after the defeat in the war with the Japanese and the cascade of revolutions. The tsar only then decided to support the initiative of right-wing public groups.

First, the aforementioned elite organization "Russian Assembly" appeared, which had nothing in common with the people, and its activities did not find a sufficient response from the intelligentsia. Naturally, such an organization could not resist the revolution. As, however, and other political parties - liberal, conservative. The people already needed not right, but left, revolutionary organizations.

The "Union of Russian People" united in its ranks only the highest nobility, idealized the pre-Petrine era and recognized only the peasantry, merchants and nobility, did not recognize the cosmopolitan intelligentsia either as a class or as a stratum. The course of the SRL government was criticized for the international loans believing that in this way the authorities are ruining the Russian people.

NRC and terror

The "Union of the Russian People" was created - the largest of the monarchical unions - on the initiative of several people at the same time: doctor Dubrovin, abbot Arseny and artist Maikov. Alexander Dubrovin, a member of the Russian Assembly, became the leader. He turned out to be a good organizer, politically sensitive and energetic person. He easily got in touch with the government and administration and convinced many that only mass patriotism can save the current order, that a society is needed that will carry out both mass actions and individual terror.

The conservative parties of the 20th century are beginning to engage in terror - this was something new. Nevertheless, the movement received support of all kinds: police, political and financial. The tsar gave his blessing to the RNC with all his heart in the hope that even terror is better than the inactivity shown by other conservative parties in Russia.

In December 1905, a mass rally was organized in the Mikhailovsky Manege of the RNC, where about twenty thousand people gathered. Prominent people spoke - famous monarchists, bishops. The people showed unity and enthusiasm. The "Union of the Russian People" published the newspaper "Russian Banner". The tsar accepted deputations, listened to reports and accepted gifts from the leaders of the Union. For example, the insignia of members of the RNC, which both the tsar and the crown prince wore from time to time.

In the meantime, the appeals of the RNC of absolutely pogromist anti-Semitic content were replicated among the people for millions of rubles received from the treasury. This organization grew at a tremendous pace, regional sections were opened in almost all major cities of the empire, in a few months - more than sixty branches.

Congress, charter, program

In August 1906, the charter of the RNC was approved. It contained the main ideas of the party, its program of action and the concept of development. This document was rightfully considered the best among all the statutes of monarchical societies, because it was short, clear and precise in wording. At the same time, a congress of leaders from all regions was convened to coordinate activities and centralize them.

The organization became paramilitary due to the new structure. All the rank-and-file members of the party were divided into dozens, dozens were reduced to hundreds, and hundreds to thousands, respectively, with subordination to foremen, centurions and thousandths. The organization of such a plan helped well the popularity among the people. A particularly active monarchist movement was in Kyiv, and a huge part of the RNC members lived in Little Russia.

The deeply revered John of Kronstadt, the All-Russian Father, as he was called, arrived at the Mikhailovsky Manege for another celebration on the occasion of the consecration of the banner, as well as the banner of the RNC. He said a welcoming speech and later joined the RNC himself, and until the very end he was an honorary member of this Union.

To prevent revolutions and maintain order, the NRC kept self-defense, often armed, on alert. The "White Guard" from Odessa is a particularly well-known squad of this kind. The principle of the formation of self-defense is a military Cossack with captains, atamans and foremen. Such squads existed at all factories in Moscow and St. Petersburg.

collapse

By its fourth congress, the RNC was the first among the Russian monarchist parties. It had over nine hundred branches, and the overwhelming majority of the delegates were members of this Union. But at the same time, contradictions began among the leaders. Purishkevich tried to remove Dubrovin from business, and he soon succeeded. He pulled over all the publishing and organizational work, many leaders of local branches no longer listened to anyone except Purishkevich. The same applies to many founders of the RNC.

And there was a conflict that went so far that the most powerful organization quickly came to naught. Purishkevich in 1908 created his "Union named after the Archangel Michael", withdrew from the RNC Moscow Department. The Tsar's Manifesto on October 17 finally split the NRC, since the attitude towards the creation of the Duma was diametrically opposed. Then there was a terrorist act with the murder of a prominent State Duma deputy, in which Dubrovin's supporters and himself were accused.

The St. Petersburg department of the RNC in 1909 simply removed Dubrovin from power, leaving him an honorary membership in the Union, and very quickly ousted his like-minded people from all posts. Until 1912, Dubrovin tried to fight for a place in the sun, but realized that nothing could be returned, and in August he registered the charter of the Dubrovin Union, after which they began to break away from the center one by one regional offices. All this did not add to the credibility of the NRC organization, and it finally collapsed. The conservative parties (right) were sure that the government was afraid of the power of this Union, and Stolypin personally played a huge role in its collapse.

Prohibition

It got to the point that the NRC formed a single bloc with the Octobrists. Subsequently, attempts were repeatedly made to recreate a single monarchical organization, but no one achieved success here. And the February Revolution banned monarchist parties, initiating lawsuits against the leaders. Then the October Revolution followed, and most of the leaders of the RNC in these years were waiting for death. The remaining reconciled, erasing all past contradictions, the White movement.

Soviet historians considered the RNC to be an absolutely fascist organization, far anticipating their appearance in Italy. Even the RNC members themselves, many years later, wrote that the "Union of the Russian People" had become the historical predecessor of fascism (one of the leaders, Markov-2, wrote about it with pride). V. Lacker is sure that the Black Hundreds have gone about half the way from the reactionary movements of the nineteenth century to the right-wing populist (that is, fascist) parties of the twentieth century.

Russia was formed as multinational state. By the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th century. about 100 nations lived in the empire. The autocracy built its national policy on great-power principles. Since the 90s. XIX century., It led an active policy aimed at destroying the autonomy of Finland. After the uprising of 1863, the remnants of the autonomy of the Kingdom of Poland were liquidated. National contradictions also manifested themselves in the Baltic states, Ukraine, Central Asia, and the Caucasus.

Under Alexander III, Great Russian chauvinism became the basis national policy autocracy. Nicholas II, in principle, did not change the approaches to the national policy of the imperial government. In line with the general national policy, tsarism pursued a policy of Russification. The Russian language was not just a state language, it was forcibly imposed on national minorities in their Everyday life(in the national regions, all office work in state institutions was conducted in Russian, the use of the native language in schools was prohibited, the publication of newspapers, magazines, books in the national language; the Lithuanian alphabet, based on the Latin alphabet, was replaced by Cyrillic, etc.). The manifestation of the Russification policy of the autocracy was different, but their goal was the same - to impose the Russian state culture on foreign Russian ethnic groups, to unify the entire empire in the Orthodox-Great Russian likeness and thus unite the country.

The Russification policy of the autocracy in the national question was not just the official policy of the authoritarian regime, but also a manifestation of Great Russian nationalism at the state level. This sowed the seeds of national discord, planted a time bomb under the state integrity of the Russian Empire, which was bound to explode sooner or later. Therefore, it is not surprising that the ill-conceived destructive national policy of the autocracy led to a response from national minorities.

Spokesmen for the national interests of small peoples at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries. become national parties. Their national “character” was manifested in the fact that they put the solution of the national question as the first and necessary condition for the future state reorganization of the empire at the forefront in the system of party priorities. The idea of national revival played an important, if not decisive, role in the formation of national political parties in Russia.

Thanks to this pattern, a number of characteristic features can be seen in the history of the formation of national political parties in Russia. Firstly, all national parties of a liberal persuasion came out of the bosom of cultural and educational societies, most of the national parties of a socialist orientation came from conspiratorial circles that existed before. Secondly, national political parties were formed under the direct influence of, on the one hand, European, and, on the other hand, Russian liberal and socialist traditions, ideas and views. Depending on the socio-cultural traditions of peoples, the level economic development national regions and the degree of modernization of the life of ethnic groups, European or Russian influence played a greater or lesser role in the process of formation of national political parties. So, in Poland, Finland, the Baltic States, European influence was decisive, while in Ukraine, Kazakhstan, and the Caucasus, Russian influence turned out to be significant. Thirdly, at the end of the XIX century. In Russia, the ideology of Marxism became widespread. She influenced the minds of the national intelligentsia, showing them an alternative to the liberal model of the development of their ethnic group. The process of dividing the national movement into two ideological camps stimulated a more dynamic development of national political parties, which, despite the difference in their orientation (socialism or capitalism), united in the national question. In the future, such a solidarity approach to the national question allowed the majority of ideologically opposing national parties after February and especially October 1917, when on the outskirts of the former Russian Empire the process of the emergence of new nation states formations, to find a common language, temporarily forgetting about ideological contradictions.

The first national political parties began to form primarily in those regions where the liberation movement had a long tradition. In these regions, in the northwestern outskirts of the empire and in Transcaucasia (in the provinces inhabited by Armenians), the formation of parties began 10-15 years earlier than in the whole empire. Previously, there was also a delimitation of them along ideological lines. Thus, the process of national party building was marked by great unevenness.

So, in the Caucasus, from the party of Armenokans in the early 1880s. the Armenian Social Democratic Party Gnchak (Bell) emerged, and a little later, the Armenian Revolutionary Union Dashnaktsutyun; in Finland in the 1850s-1860s. proto-parties arose (Finnish and Swedish). In Poland, where the sociocultural level of the ethnos was higher than in other regions of the empire, the process of formation of parties in the modern sense of the word (the existence of a membership institution program, party structure, etc.) advanced much further than in the empire as a whole. In the 1880s and 1890s, several socialist parties and the largest liberal-conservative party of the Kingdom of Poland, the People's Democratic Party, took shape there. In Lithuania in 1896 the Lithuanian Social Democratic Party was created. In the same place (in Vilna) a year later, the General Jewish Workers' Union in Lithuania, Poland and Russia (Bund) took shape.

In regions where the level of national self-consciousness was lower, ideological and organizational differentiation occurred later than in the Kingdom of Poland. So, for example, from the bosom of the Revolutionary Ukrainian Party (RUP). created in 1900 and at first representing a bloc of ideologically heterogeneous elements (Social Democrats, populists, etc.), subsequently appear: the Ukrainian People's Party (UNP), the first circles of Ukrainian Social Revolutionaries, the Ukrainian Democratic Party (UDP). In turn, the latter became the core of the Ukrainian Radical Party (URP). And in the Central Asian region, this process gained momentum only after February 1917, when the Shura-i-Islamiya (Council of the Imam) movement was formed. The First Russian Revolution had a decisive influence on the formation of national parties. In 1905-1907. on the far outskirts of the state, many new parties, unions, movements make themselves felt. Most of them were few, organizationally weak, ideologically blurred and did not last long.

Before the first revolution in Russia, there were only 9 national organizations of liberal and conservative directions, in 1905-1907. their number increased to 42, and by February 1917 reached 52.

After February 1917, the process of formation of national parties and movements continued, and beyond short term in the pre-October period, about two dozen more appeared. Finally, from the end of 1917 to 1925 inclusive, another 12 party organizations of liberal and conservative directions were formed.

It would seem that such a huge number of liberal-conservative national formations is impressive. But practice turned out to be different. 60-75 political formations existed for a short time and left behind a small fraction of program documents, and most importantly, a few adherents. Yes, and the peculiarities of the national-political development of the Russian Empire, and later Soviet Russia, left behind the political formations of Poland, Finland, the Baltic states, which took the path of independent development.

Both liberal and socialist national parties have set as their main goal the implementation of systemic reforms that would affect all spheres of public life without exception. The national liberal parties saw the future of Russia in the modification of the autocratic regime. Liberal Conservative parties persuasion and the liberal center (there were a minority) assumed that the autocracy itself, "from above" would carry out a radical reform and would evolve towards a constitutional-parliamentary system. The left-wing liberals assumed that pressure could be exerted on the government “from below” in order for it to reform more successfully. The national parties of the socialist direction stood on the positions of revolutionary radicalism and saw the future of Russia not just in a democratic republic, like the left liberals, but also in socialism. Here the national parties were ideologically identical to their Russian counterparts. However, the national question did not allow them to find a common language and unite with the RSDLP or the Cadets.

Despite ideological differences, both liberals and socialists believed that ethnic groups needed their own national-state structure. According to the ideas of the ideologists of the national parties, it could be twofold. First, in the form of autonomy (cultural-national autonomy, national-territorial autonomy, federation); secondly, in the form of independent nation-states. The ideologists of some national parties also proposed the creation of a federation of independent states based on a geographical or historical-cultural community. Moreover, according to their plan, in this federation there was not always a place for a new, democratic Russia. Such a federation was supposed to act as a kind of counterbalance to possible revanchist actions by Russia.

After February 1917, the national parties shifted their focus on the national question towards greater national independence, which led to a confrontation between the national and all-Russian parties, further strengthening the centrifugal tendencies in the country's social development.

October 1917 evoked a sharply negative response from the liberal and part of the members of the socialist national parties, which stimulated the process of creating independent national states and the transition of national parties that stood on the positions of autonomy to the positions of separatism. Only a small part of the left in the national parties of socialist orientation remained on the positions of internationalism and saw the future of their Motherland together with Bolshevik Russia.

A distinctive feature of the national parties operating in Tsarist Russia was the desire to express the interests of their nations, often to the detriment of the declared ideological paradigms. The Russification policy of the autocracy only intensified this trend. However, it would be wrong to say that the national parties were ideologically untenable and that the national question dominated ideology in the practical activities of the parties. National Factor in the activities of national political parties was strong, but not decisive. According to ideological grounds, national parties are classified as follows:

1. Conservative parties.

2. Liberal parties.

3. Parties of socialist orientation.

The result of many years of straightforward, and sometimes rude, Russification policy of autocracy that offended the feelings of national minorities was the allocation of national priorities by national political parties to the detriment of all-Russian ones, and as the events of February-October 1917 showed, the party ideologists turned out to be right: the peoples most developed in socio-cultural terms saw their the future is outside the borders of the new Russia, while the Russian national parties have shown a clear lack of understanding of the importance of the national question for the future of Russia.

Federal Agency for Education

GOU VPO "Moscow Institute of Steel and Alloys"

Novotroitsk branch

Department of "Humanitarian and socio-economic sciences"

SUMMARY on Patriotic history on the topic:

"Political parties in Russia at the end of the 19th century - 1917"

Completed by: student of group 06-16 Gartung A.V.

Checked by: Fathullina G. M.

Novotroitsk, 2007

PLAN.

Introduction

Chapter I . Radical parties

1. Russian Social Democratic Party (RSDLP)

a) Bolsheviks

b) Mensheviks

2. Socialist parties

a) Socialist-Revolutionaries (SRs)

b) Union of Socialist Revolutionary Maximalists (SSRM)

c) Party of the Left Socialist-Revolutionary Internationalists

(Left SRs) (PLSR (and))

d) Russian Radical Democratic Party (RRDP)

e) Russian Social Democratic Labor Party

(internationalists) (RSDLP(s))

Chapter II . Liberal Democratic Parties

1 Constitutional Democrats (Kadets)

2 Radical Party

3 Democratic Reform Party

4 Labor People's Socialist Party

5 Liberal Republican Party

Chapter III . Moderate-conservative parties

2 Progressive Economic Party

3 Right Order Party

4 Commercial and industrial party

5 Moderate Progressive Party

6 Peaceful Renewal Party

7 Progressive Party

Chapter IV . Reactionary monarchist parties

1 Russian Monarchist Union

2 Union of the Russian people (Black Hundreds)

3 Russian People's Union named after Michael the Archangel

Chapter V . National parties

2 Zionist Socialist Workers' Party (SSWP)

3 Russian Progressive Union

4 Socialist Jewish Workers' Party

5 Moderate Right Party

6 All-Russian National Union (VNS)

Conclusion

Bibliography

INTRODUCTION

At the beginning of the 20th century, the process of forming political currents and movements began in Russia. This period was very significant for a country where democracy was practically absent.

In a relatively short period of time, a huge number of parties arose in Russia. From the end of the 19th century until 1920, there were about 90 of them. How can one explain such political activity? What influenced this process?

Unlike the West, the formation of a wide range of political parties in Russia was not the result of the democratic development of society, but, on the contrary, a consequence of the complete absence of democracy. The authoritarian regime acted as a brake on the progressive development of the country and practically all social groups and classes were in opposition to it, as a result of which the emerging political parties were not only anti-government in nature, but also illegal and were persecuted by the government.

The Russian society of this period is characterized by excessive social differentiation. Each class or social group was heterogeneous in composition and within them there were numerous private interests (cultural, intellectual, national, property, religious, etc.). This wide social differentiation gave rise to the desire of each social stratum, group or class to have its own political organization. This contributed to the emergence of not only numerous parties, but also a wide spectrum from the left to the right within each of them.

The special role of the intelligentsia in the formation of parties should be singled out. It was formed mainly according to ideological, and not according to professional or economic principles. Under the conditions of the autocratic system, it was cut off from real political life. This contributed to the fact that the intelligentsia directed its efforts to the development of the most radical projects for the transformation of Russian society. The intelligentsia stood at the origins of the creation of almost all political parties.

The policy of national oppression pursued by the tsarist government contributed to the growth of the political activity of the peoples of the national outskirts and the emergence of a wide range of national parties and nationalist movements. If in the West the bourgeois parties were the first to form, and then the social democratic ones, then in Russia the populist parties were the first, then the social democratic ones, and only then (since 1905) the bourgeois ones.

Based on the above features, parties should be divided depending on their political goals, means and methods of achieving them into socialist, bourgeois and landlord-monarchist.

CHAPTER I . RADICAL PARTIES.

1. Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP).

The formation of the party was prepared by the activities of the "Emancipation of Labor" group, in 1883. uniting the first Russian Marxist emigrants who lived in Geneva (G.V. Plekhanov, P.B. Akselrod, V.I. Zasulich, L.G. Deutsch, V.N. Ignatov). Members of the group translated into Russian and published a number of works by K. Marx and F. Engels, and in their works they criticized populism, opposing Marxism to it as scientific theory, fully applicable, contrary to the populist doctrine, to the post-reform socio-economic development of Russia. The members of the group set themselves the task of forming a workers' party based on the theory of Marxism. In 1883-84. Plekhanov wrote the first policy papers Russian social democrats. More numerous and strong social democratic organizations became in the second half of the 1890s - the Union of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class, formed in St. Petersburg (1895), Moscow, Ivanovo-Voznesensk, Kiev, Yekaterinoslav, as well as Bund(1897), who, continuing propaganda in workers' circles, switched to distributing propaganda leaflets and led workers' strikes. From March 1 to March 3, 1898 The first congress of the RSDLP was held in Minsk, which proclaimed the creation of the RSDLP. In April, a manifesto written by Struve was issued on behalf of the congress. In 1900 In order to unite the Social Democrats, Lenin, Yu. O. Martov and Potresov, together with members of the Emancipation of Labor group Plekhanov, Axelrod and Zasulich, undertook the publication of the Iskra newspaper abroad and organized its distribution in Russia. As a result of a six-month discussion, members of the editorial board of Iskra, mainly Plekhanov and Lenin, prepared a draft program of the party, presented to the Second Congress of the RSDLP (July 17-August 10, 1903, Brussels-London). The program of the RSDLP, adopted by the congress, outlined the tasks of the bourgeois-democratic revolution (the minimum program). The proletarian revolution and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat with the aim of building socialism were declared the ultimate goal of the party's activity (maximum program).

a) Bolsheviks.

A faction in Russian Social Democratic Labor Party(RSDLP). The name "Bolsheviks" reflected the results of the elections of the governing bodies of the RSDLP at its second congress (07.17. - 08.10.1903. Brussels - London). Bolshevism was a continuation of the radical line in the Russian liberation movement and absorbed elements of the ideology and practice of the revolutionaries of the second half of XIX century (N. G. Chernyshevsky, P. N. Tkachev, S. G. Nechaev). The composition of the Bolsheviks was not stable: the history of Bolshevism is characterized by constant changes in Lenin's inner circle - the only leader recognized by all Bolsheviks.

The Bolsheviks put forward the idea of the hegemony of the proletariat, opposed in the revolution that had begun, in their opinion, both the autocracy and the "liberal bourgeoisie". Counting on the armed overthrow of the autocracy, the Bolsheviks did not immediately manage to overcome distrust in the non-party workers' organizations that arose during the revolution - the Soviets of Workers' Deputies, trade unions, for the same reason they boycotted the elections to the 1st State Duma.

During the upsurge of the revolution, they acted jointly with the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, including in December 1905 in preparing and carrying out uprisings in Moscow and a number of other cities. Lenin explained the defeat of the uprisings by the inadequate preparedness and defensive nature of the actions of the insurgents, concluding from this that one should continue to focus on the experience of the “October-November forms of movement” (a combination of economic and political demands in the strike struggle, the creation of rudimentary organs of revolutionary power - the Soviets, etc. ). The course of revolutionary events and the demands of the workers who had joined the party at that time forced the Bolsheviks to look for allies and real steps to restore party unity. The Tammerfors Conference of the Bolsheviks (December 1905) called for a merger of party centers and parallel local organizations; representatives of the Bolsheviks became members of the Central Committee of the RSDLP, elected by the fourth (April 10 - 25, 1906, Stockholm) and fifth (April 30 - May 19, 1907, London) party congresses, retaining, however, the factional governing bodies - the Bolshevik Center (Lenin, Bogdanov, Krasin) and newspaper "Proletarian" .

In 1907, the Bolsheviks recognized the fallacy of the boycott of the State Duma, so the “tactics of the left bloc” were carried out in the elections to the Duma of the second convocation. At the Fourth Congress of the RSDLP, agreeing with the general opinion of the delegates on the need to confiscate the landed estates, the Bolsheviks put forward two projects. The first of them, which was defended by Lenin, I.A. Teodorovich and others, provided for the nationalization of all land in the event of a complete victory of the revolution. The project of the minority of the Bolsheviks proposed to carry out the division of landowner lands among the peasants into property. However, none of the drafts was adopted by the congress. Despite tactical rapprochement with other political forces, at certain moments of the revolution, the ideological isolationism of the Bolsheviks intensified. Lenin and his supporters increasingly associated the effectiveness of revolutionary actions with the rejection of any ethical restrictions: in the selection of party cadres, such individual qualities as adventurism and promiscuity in the means to achieve the goal were especially valued. During the revolution, the number of Bolsheviks grew from 14,000 (summer 1905) to 60,000 members (spring 1907). The defeat of the revolution forced many Bolsheviks to emigrate. In Russia, the decline of the mass revolutionary movement led to a sharp reduction in the number of illegal organizations; many of them have ceased to exist for a long time.

A sharp struggle against dissidents (otzovists) unfolded within the Bolshevik faction; they were accused of departing from the philosophy of Marxism. The exclusion of the otzovists, who later formed the Vperyod group, secured for Lenin the position of the sole leader of the faction and interpreter of Bolshevism; his closest associates were G.E. Zinoviev and L.B. Kamenev. Lenin abandoned the search for compromises with other trends in the RSDLP and went for a final split with them in order to create an independent, ideologically homogeneous party.

Since April 1912, a legal daily newspaper, Pravda, was published in St. Petersburg, with the help of which it was supposed to distract the mass working reader from the tabloid press and, under the slogan of "unity from below", ensure its influence in social democratic organizations.

In an atmosphere of patriotic upsurge, which also affected some of the workers, the Bolsheviks occupied the extreme left flank among the few internationalists at the beginning of the war. A complete reorientation of the strategy and tactics of the Bolsheviks occurred with the return of Lenin from exile to Petrograd. In the April Theses, he stated that the transition from the bourgeois-democratic revolution to the socialist revolution had already begun in Russia, and since without the "overthrow of capital" it was impossible either to stop the imperialist war or solve general democratic tasks, all government must go to the Soviets. Although Lenin repeatedly emphasized that the tactics he proposed in the April Theses were peaceful in nature, the Bolsheviks made the most of the dual power prevailing in the country and the instability of the political situation. The transition of the party to the positions proposed by Lenin was facilitated by the influx of a mass of new members into its composition, whose revolutionary impatience reflected the growing dissatisfaction with the policies of the Provisional Government; a significant part of this replenishment were soldiers. The slogans of the Bolsheviks "All power to the Soviets", "Down with the war", "Land to the peasants" became more and more popular. The first major breakdown of the forces of the Bolsheviks was an attempt made under the influence of agitation of the Military Organization under the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b) by several military units of the Petrograd garrison on 3. - 07.04.1917. overthrow the Provisional Government. The putsch was followed by the arrests of the Bolsheviks and the beginning of a campaign against the leaders of the party. The Sixth Congress of the RSDLP (b) (26.07 - 03.08.1917, Petrograd) was held in the absence of Lenin and Zinoviev, who at that time were hiding from arrest. Reports on behalf of the Central Committee were made by Stalin, Ya.M. Sverdlov. Based on the conclusions made by Lenin about the current situation (power in the country has passed into the hands of the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie; the period of peaceful development of the revolution has ended), the congress abandoned the slogan "All power to the Soviets" and declared the task of the "new upsurge" to be "the complete elimination of the dictatorship of the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie" thus making a choice in favor of an armed seizure of power. After the Menshevik-Socialist-Revolutionary All-Russian Central Executive Committee rejected the Bolshevik resolution on power, Lenin demanded that the Bolshevik Central Committee begin preparations for an armed uprising in Petrograd and Moscow, taking advantage of the "Bolshevization" of the Soviets that was taking place at that time.

b) Mensheviks

This is a faction of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP), organized in an organized manner after the second party congress and named after the results of elections to the central bodies of the party. The most prominent figures of Menshevism were Yu.O. Martov, P.B. Axelrod, G.V. Plekhanov, N.N. Jordania, I.G. Tsereteli and other Mensheviks constantly broke up into groups that occupied various political positions and waged a sharp struggle among themselves. The Mensheviks considered the organization of workers on a broad class basis to be the most important task of the Social Democracy.

At the heart of the tactics of the Mensheviks in the period 1905-1907. lay views on the bourgeoisie as driving force revolution, which should lead the liberation movement in the country. According to the Mensheviks, the revolution of 1905-1907. was bourgeois in its socio-economic content. However, unlike the Bolsheviks, the Mensheviks declared that any removal of the bourgeoisie from the revolutionary movement would lead to its weakening. The key point of the Menshevik concept of revolution was the opposition of the bourgeoisie to the peasantry. The peasantry, according to the Mensheviks, although capable of "moving" the revolution, would greatly complicate the achievement of victory by their spontaneous rebelliousness and political unconsciousness. The Mensheviks pinned their hopes now on the trade union movement, now on the convening of a "general workers' congress." During the revolution of 1905-1907. the organizational and ideological unity of Menshevism was broken: strong reformist tendencies (Akselrod) were revealed in it, a center was formed (Martov), “left” figures (L.D. Trotsky) and a “special position” (Plekhanov) were outlined.

In 1908 in Moscow, St. Petersburg and a number of other cities, a trend of Menshevik-party members began to take shape, who advocated the preservation of the illegal structures of the party. Plekhanov supported them. The campaign for the reconciliation of all factions and trends in the RSDLP was led by Trotsky, who published in 1908-1912. in Vienna, the non-factional newspaper Pravda.

From the beginning of the First World War, Menshevism split into patriotic and internationalist currents.

After February 1917 Menshevism became one of the most influential forces in the country, its representatives played a leading role in the Soviets of Workers' Deputies and held ministerial posts in the Provisional Government; significantly increased the number of Menshevik organizations. The cardinal problem facing Menshevism in 1917 was the problem of the allies of the proletariat in the revolution. The answer to this question dictated tactics in relation to various political movements, the Soviets, and the Provisional Government. The Mensheviks still believed that there were no prerequisites for a socialist revolution in Russia. Therefore, they sharply criticized Lenin's slogan for the transfer of power into the hands of the Soviets.

The crisis of Menshevism coincided with the crisis in the country. The October Revolution inflicted a political defeat on the Mensheviks. After the end of the Civil War, during the NEP period, the Mensheviks formally remained a legal party. In 1922 The Mensheviks were ousted from the Soviets. Party organizations conspired in early 1923. ended up going illegal. By the summer of 1925 Menshevism had "only a few and dozens" of supporters in the USSR, who were grouped in illegal cells and performed a kind of "liaison service" with the emigrant party center in Berlin; by the beginning of 1930 they have completely disappeared.

2. Parties of the socialist direction.

a) Socialist-revolutionaries (Socialist-Revolutionaries) .

At the end of the XIX century. the Socialist-Revolutionary movement was a series of extremely conspiratorial closed intellectual circles. The development of the movement was hampered by constant repression by the authorities. At the turn of the XIX - XX centuries. as an urgent problem in the revolutionary movement, the question of the ideological renewal of populism arose. Changes took place in the Socialist-Revolutionary movement itself, which was replenished, on the one hand, with old populists who had served hard labor and exile, and on the other, with extremist-minded youth who fell victim to the autocracy's persecution of students.

The Socialist-Revolutionary party program included four main blocks, containing, respectively, a description of capitalism at that time, the international socialist movement opposing it, the uniqueness of the conditions for the development of the Russian socialist movement, and, finally, the rationale for the specific program of this movement with a consistent presentation of points relating to all the main spheres of public life. Political democracy and the socialization of the land formed the core of the Socialist-Revolutionary minimum program, its implementation was supposed to create the necessary prerequisites and provide conditions for Russia's peaceful, evolutionary transition to socialism.

In relation to the autocratic-police regime, the Social Revolutionaries were uncompromising and believed that it was possible to get rid of it only by revolutionary violent methods. During the Revolution of 1905-1907, up to 200 terrorist acts were committed.

The originality of the Socialist-Revolutionary concept of the Russian revolution consisted primarily in the fact that they did not recognize it as bourgeois. The ability of the bourgeoisie to become the head of the revolution and even to be one of its driving forces was also denied.

Already in the revolution of 1905-1907, a rather definite attitude of the Socialist-Revolutionaries towards the Soviets was outlined. They did not consider them the embryos of a new revolutionary power, but regarded them as a kind of revolutionary self-government bodies of one class, the main purpose of which is to organize and rally the dispersed amorphous working masses.

In January 1916, the Petrograd Committee of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party worked out and published theses stating that the main task of the day was “organizing the working classes for a revolutionary upheaval,” since “only when they seize power, the elimination of the war and all its consequences will be carried out in the interests of labor democracy.” ".

The internal history of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party in 1917 is a history of struggle and compromise between the three currents that gradually formed in it: right, center and left, each of which had many different shades within itself.

The Peace of Brest became a new impetus in the struggle of the Socialist-Revolutionaries against the Bolsheviks. In the ideology of this struggle, the idea of restoring the independence and unity of Russia on the basis of the principles proclaimed by the February Revolution occupies a paramount place.

Civil War showed the failure of the Socialist-Revolutionary hopes for the triumph of a “third force”, a democratic alternative, in it. The Socialist-Revolutionary Party emerged from the war significantly weakened. Its number has sharply decreased, most of the organizations collapsed or were on the verge of it, a number of prominent party leaders, especially of the right wing, who were oriented one way or another towards the White Guards and interventionists, ended up in exile. In June 1920, the party leadership was reorganized, the Central Organizational Bureau of the Central Committee was created, consisting of members of the Central Committee who survived arrests and influential members of the party. The political goal of the party in the new conditions remained the same - the struggle for democracy, as the only political system capable of ensuring the manifestation of people's independence, this basic condition for the final victory of the revolution and socialist construction.

With the arrest in 1925 of the last members of the Central Bureau, the Socialist-Revolutionary Party practically ceased to exist in Russia. Only the Socialist-Revolutionary emigration continued to operate to some extent.

b) Union of Socialist Revolutionaries Maximalists (SSRM)

This is a group that seceded from the Socialist-Revolutionary Party at the end of 1904 and stood in the position of widespread use of the terrorist struggle. In 1906, a founding congress was held in Finland, which turned this group into the SSRM, which was the extreme left wing of the Socialist-Revolutionary movement. The SSRM advocated the immediate implementation of the maximum socialist program (hence the name of the party), demanded the socialization of land, industrial enterprises and the establishment of a “labor republic” in Russia, which was conceived as a transitional system after the seizure of power by the proletariat and the peasantry. The essence of maximalism, according to the program, was that the forthcoming revolution was conceived not as a political bourgeois revolution directed against tsarism, but as a labor, socialist revolution directed against the bourgeoisie. The maximalists considered terror to be the main tactical means.

Leaders and theorists of the SSRM: M.I. Sokolov, V.V. Mazurin, V.D. Vinogradov, G.A. Nestroev, G.A. Rivkin, A.G. Trinity. The center of the SSRM in 1906 was St. Petersburg, where in the spring of this year Sokolov created militant organization, which had numerous safe houses, workshops for the production of explosives, weapons depots. On August 12, 1906, the SSRM blew up the dacha of Prime Minister P.A. Stolypin (the minister was not injured). In total in 1906-1907. there were more than 60 organizations of maximalists, more than 50 terrorist acts were committed.

In 1908, as a result of a general decline in the revolutionary movement, as well as the actions of the authorities, who considered the SSRM as one of the "most dangerous and intolerant" revolutionary parties in the state, the number of its organizations was reduced to 42, and in 1910 there were less than 10 of them.

After February 1917, the revival of the SSRM organizations began. In the summer of 1917, the separation of maximalist groups from the Socialist-Revolutionary organizations was going on everywhere. Maximalist militants were part of the Red Guard of Petrograd, participated in the October armed uprising. The SSRM had representatives in the Petrograd Military Revolutionary Committee.

In 1918, the ideological differences between the SSRM and the RCP (b) intensified. Maximalists opposed the dictatorship of the proletariat and the centralization of government in the country, in the field of foreign policy, the SSRM protested against the Brest peace. Recognizing the need to create an army, the SSRM was against turning it into a regular one. In the spring of 1918, the first armed clashes between the maximalist militants and the Bolsheviks took place.

In 1920 - 1922 maximalists held several All-Russian conferences, the last of which (February 1922) decided to unite with Party of Left Socialist Revolutionaries (Internationalists) which took place in September of the same year. However, this association soon ceased to exist.

c) Party of Left Socialist-Revolutionary Internationalists (Left SRs) (PLSR(s)). The predecessors of the PLSR were the Union of Socialist Revolutionary Maximalists and the Union of Left Socialist Revolutionaries. Of these, in 1909 an extreme left group took shape under the leadership of Ya.L. Yudelevsky and V.K. Agafonov. In 1912 -1914. the bearer of the left-wing populist ideology was the legal magazine Zavety. After the February Revolution, the Left SRs united around the newspaper Zemlya i Volya. The Left SRs carried out anti-war propaganda and participated in anti-government actions.

At the Third Congress of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, the Left SRs formed the so-called "Platform of the 42", which was based on the condemnation of the war as imperialist, the demand for its immediate cessation and Russia's withdrawal from the war; condemnation of the policy of cooperation with the "bourgeois" Provisional Government pursued by the Social Revolutionaries; an immediate solution of the land question in the spirit of the Left Narodnik program of the socialization of the land. These views formed the basis of the differences between the Left Opposition and the Central Committee of the Party.

By the autumn of 1917, independent Left SR factions had taken shape in a number of soviets. In early October 1917, they negotiated with the Bolsheviks on the issue of leaving the Provisional Council of the Russian Republic.

Subsequently, representatives of the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries became part of the Petrograd RVC, whose chairman was the Left Socialist-Revolutionary P.E. Lasimir. At the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets, the leaders of the Left SRs were elected to the presidium. The Left SR faction voted for the decrees proposed by the Bolsheviks.

After the October Revolution, the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries occupied responsible posts in the Cheka (V.A. Aleksandrovich), in the Petrograd Revolutionary Defense Committee (Spiridonova, M.A. Levinson), commanded military formations and fronts (M.A. Muravyov, A.I. Egorov ), held senior positions in the fleet (V.B. Spiro, P.I. Shishko), were members of peace delegations at negotiations with the Germans in Brest-Litovsk (Mstislavsky, Karelin). The PLSR(s) supported the Bolsheviks in the Constituent Assembly and at the 3rd All-Russian Congress of Soviets (January 1918), which approved the first section of the Land Socialization Law. On February 20, 1918, the Left Socialist-Revolutionary People's Commissars Proshyan and Karelin, along with V.I. Lenin, L.D. Trotsky and I.V. Stalin, entered the Executive Committee of the Council of People's Commissars. However, the tactical alliance of the Left SRs and the Bolsheviks was short-lived. At the end of February 1918, at the meetings of the Petrograd Committee and the Central Committee of the PLSR (i), as well as the joint meetings of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b) and the PLSR (i), which discussed the issue of signing the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, on February 23, 1918, at a meeting of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, the Left SRs voted against making peace with Germany. At the 4th All-Russian Congress of Soviets (March 1918), the Left SRs declared themselves free from an agreement with the Bolsheviks and the recall of their people's commissars from the Council of People's Commissars.

In Moscow in April 1918, the 2nd Congress of the PLSR (and) was held, at which the political program of the party was adopted, which approved the principles of the social revolution (building a federation of Soviet republics, decentralization of administration, syndicalization of production and socialization of the land). The congress at a closed session sanctioned the beginning of international terror to accelerate the world revolution. The All-Russian Central Executive Committee from the PLSR (and) sharply criticized the domestic policy of the Bolsheviks: they opposed the decrees on food dictatorship and committees, as well as the expulsion of deputies from the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks from the Soviets.

In January 1919, an illegal conference of the PLSR(s) took place in Petrograd, outlining measures to further intensify the work of the party. The Left SR magazine Znamya began to appear in Moscow. Propaganda materials were published in large quantities. Influenced by the agitation of the Left SRs in February 1919, strikes began at the Tula arms factories and railway depots, and workers were preparing to protest in Petrograd. In this regard, the authorities launched a new campaign of repression against the Left SR opposition. From March to July 1919, 45 Left SR organizations were uncovered and liquidated.

d) Russian Radical Democratic Party (RRDP). The predecessor of the party was the Petrograd circle of radicals, which arose in 1915, which included D.N. Ruzsky, M.V. Bernatsky, M. Gorky. These persons in the fall of 1916. made a decision to establish the RDP. The Constituent Assembly of the Party was held on March 11, 1917. in Petrograd, but already at the end of March, part of the left-wing Cadets and former Duma progressives joined the new formation, who completed the final design of the RRDP. These figures significantly modernized the populist-Menshevik draft of the party program, published in May 1917.

From this Draft it followed that in the issue of state building, the radical democrats advocated a democratic federal republic headed by a president elected "from full citizens of both sexes for a period not exceeding 4 years" on the basis of universal, direct, equal and secret suffrage of voters . Legislative power remained under the jurisdiction of the State Duma, executive power - with the Council of Ministers, elected by the Duma from its midst and responsible to it.

The RRDP put forward a programmatic demand for the democratization and complete independence of local self-government, demanding the expansion of its competence and the improvement of local finances. On the national question, the radical democrats advocated the creation of the State Council of Nations, the consistent implementation of the federal principle without infringing on the rights of various nations. On the land issue, the RRDP demanded the formation of a special state land fund from state specific, monastic and privately owned lands, for the transfer of land relations to local self-government, as well as the introduction of an income tax on land. On the labor question, the members of the RRDP spoke in favor of introducing an 8-hour working day, prohibiting overtime and night work, and the possibility of creating trade unions and workers' organizations.

In the field of education and religion, the radical democrats proposed the creation of a coherent system of secular education with compulsory free education at the initial stage; demanded the separation of church and state. On the military question (under the conditions of the ongoing World War I), the radical democrats advocated a "war to victory in agreement with the allies." At the same time, they stated the need to shorten the period military service, on the preparation of trained reserves, on the improvement financial situation soldier, elimination of privileges in the army.

From July 16, 1917 in Petrograd, the radical democrats published the daily newspaper "Fatherland", from September 1917. in Moscow, the newspaper "Free Word".

In September 1917 Ruzsky, Pozner and Slavinsky were included in the Provisional Council of the Russian Republic from the RRDP. At the same time, the RRDP held its own party conference, where it proclaimed an unification with Liberal Republican Party and the creation of a joint Central Committee.

The RRDP did not pass the elections to the Constituent Assembly. The next party conference of the radical democrats was expected on October 20-22, 1917. (Information about its implementation has not been preserved). By the same time (October-November 1917) are the last fragmentary information about the party activities of members of the RRDP.

e) Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (Internationalists) (RSDLP(i)). The party originated from a group of so-called "non-factional Social Democrats" who, during World War I, occupied intermediate positions between Bolsheviks and Mensheviks - internationalists. After the February Revolution, members of the B.V. Avilov, V.A. Bazarov, V.P. Volgin, V.A. Desnitsky, N.N. Sukhanov and others united around the newspaper Novaya Zhizn and launched the corresponding work, striving for the ideological, organizational and political unity of the various detachments of Russian democracy. They preferred the path of forming their own party, first establishing the "Organization of the United Social Democrats-Internationalists" and local bodies in a number of large cities: Moscow, Vologda, Kazan, Perm, etc. 10/18-22/1917. the 1st conference of the organization was held with the participation of delegates from 4 thousand members. It discussed current issues and adopted a political platform. The essence of the latter was to deny the possibility of the victory of the socialist revolution in Russia and the need to establish the dictatorship of the proletariat. According to the leaders of the organization, Russia should become a democratic republic headed by a strong parliamentary government, but without a president. They tried to defend this idea at the 2nd All-Russian Congress of Soviets, supporting Martov's proposal to create a homogeneous socialist government on a multi-party basis. Part of the united internationalists became part of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the RSFSR, where they played the role of the opposition.

14-20.01.1918 The organization of the united social democrats-internationalists took shape in a party called the RSDLP(i).

At the founding congress in Petrograd, the delegates of the congress focused on two questions - about the current moment and about power and about the attitude of the RSDLP (and) to other socialist parties. In the resolutions adopted on them, the congress determined the political face of the party, its strategy and tactics. First of all, the socialist character was denied. October revolution, it was said about the impossibility of building socialism in one country. At the same time, the armed struggle against the Bolsheviks was condemned, and the thesis was put forward that they should be ousted from all government bodies, including through re-elections of the Soviets. As for the second question, there was no such clarity. On the contrary, during its discussion, a very wide range of opinions was revealed - from the rejection of the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks in general to the assertion of the need for close cooperation with each of the parties. But events developed in such a way that the RSDLP(i) gradually drew closer to the RSDLP(b). The gradual turn of the RSDLP (and) towards cooperation with the Bolsheviks was outlined in the autumn of 1918, when on November 7-10, 1918. The All-Russian Conference of the RSDLP(i) expressed its support for Soviet power and for the entry of party members into the Red Army. The Central Committee of the RCP(b), in turn, sent a circular letter to the local party organizations, in which it ordered that internationalists not be hindered from participating in responsible military work. This somewhat brought the positions of both parties closer together and contributed to the establishment of appropriate contacts between them.

A discussion began in the party about the possibility of a merger with the RCP(b). In accordance with the decision of the party conference, this issue was submitted for discussion at the next conference of the RSDLP (and), which took place in January 1919. As a result of the exchange of opinions and reports from the localities, the delegates came to the conclusion, on the one hand, that there was everything necessary to unite the two parties, first of all, the elimination of differences on the ways of fighting for socialism through the dictatorship of the proletariat, and, on the other hand, they considered it premature to merge with RCP(b). Such a contradictory decision was explained by the following main reasons: the RCP(b)’s denial of proletarian democracy, which was wrong and extremely harmful to the working class, was interpreted very broadly - from the free election of Soviets to complete glasnost, from the need to strengthen the dictatorship of the proletariat to the liquidation of the dictatorship of the party over the proletariat; the absence of a revolutionary law and order in the country, the arbitrariness of certain groups and individuals, the granting of exclusive powers to communist cells. The RSDLP(i) wrote that the danger of moral decay and the transformation of the RCP(b) "into a self-sufficient privileged apparatus fed at the expense of the proletariat caused a healthy reaction among the old members of the Bolshevik Party, who raise the question of a severe purge of their ranks from all the elements that have adhered to it." The internationalists rejected the proposal to merge the RSDLP(i) with the RCP(b). The internationalists went for rapprochement, and then to unite with another small party - the Russian Party of Independent Social Democratic Internationalists, created in the summer of 1918. on the basis of a group of left-wing socialist internationalists who broke away from the RSDLP (i). Their joint congress, which went down in history as a congress of social-democratic internationalists of all trends, took place on April 15-19, 1919. in Moscow. The congress spoke in favor of cooperation with the RCP(b) in the implementation of common goals and objectives, but the issue of a merger between communists and internationalists diplomatically bypassed, considering it necessary to have an independent RSRPI. In the subsequent period, the RSRPI drew closer and closer to the RCP(b) and gradually lost its role as an opposition. In December 1919 the question of its merger with the Bolshevik Party arose again. Moreover, at the initiative of the Central Committee of the RSRPI, which on December 13 made a corresponding statement, expressing a desire to hold its merger with the RCP (b) at the upcoming party congress. The Politburo agreed, and on December 19, at the URPRI congress, the issue was resolved in the affirmative.

CHAPTER II . LIBERAL-DEMOCRATIC PARTIES.

1. Constitutional Democrats (Kadets).

One of the most influential political parties, representing the left wing of Russian liberalism. The first drafts of her programs were developed on the pages of an illegal magazine "Liberation", published from July 1902 to October 1905 in Stuttgart, edited by P. B. Struve. The core of the party was formed from among the participants of two liberal organizations "Union of Liberation" and "Union of Zemstvo-constitutionalists". Organizationally, the party took shape at its first congress, held in Moscow on October 12-18, 1905. The Cadets advocated a radical reform of the socio-political system in all its key links. The party advocated the creation of a ministry responsible to the State Duma, the democratization of local government and the courts.

Focusing on Western models of the parliamentary system, the Cadets sought to strengthen a normal democratic rule of law state in Russia. In the social sphere, the main attention was paid to the agrarian issue, the solution of which was envisaged by allocating land to landless and land-poor peasants. Working programm included the liberalization of relations between workers and entrepreneurs; contained a number of requirements for social protection of labor: the gradual introduction of an 8-hour working day.

The Cadets declared their party to be non-class, emphasizing that its activity is determined not by the interests of any social group, but by the general needs of the country's development.

The social composition of the party was heterogeneous. It included primarily the intelligentsia, part of the liberal nobility. In 1906-1907, employees, clerks, workers, teachers, and others also joined its grassroots organizations. The intellectual potential of its leadership was unusually high. It included prominent scientists, professors of metropolitan universities, well-known lawyers, public figures, publicists. The party was distinguished by a diverse national composition.

The position of the party was distinguished by waiting and rejection of radical forms of class struggle. In the winter and spring of 1906, the Cadets concentrated their main efforts on holding an election campaign for the first State Duma. On behalf of the Cadet faction, the main bills were submitted or prepared for submission: on the abolition of the death penalty, on the inviolability of the person, on the basic provisions of civil equality, on freedom of assembly, a statement by 42 members of the Duma on the basic principles of land reform, and more. In June 1906, the leaders of the Cadets held talks with representatives of the liberal circles of the bureaucratic elite: P. A. Stolypin, A. P. Izvolsky, D. F. Trepov on the subject of the Cadets entering the future responsible ministry. The talks had no concrete results.

In the elections to the Second State Duma, the Cadets somewhat curtailed their program of demands. Wary of giving the authorities a pretext for dissolving the Duma, the Cadets, nevertheless, more than once in their speeches sharply criticized the government's measures. They voted against the Stolypin agrarian legislation.

In the Third State Duma, the amendments introduced by the Cadets to government bills were aimed at alleviating the situation of the working people.

During the discussion of the budget, the faction spoke in favor of rejecting loans for the Stolypin agrarian reform, for the Police Department. Under the conditions of the June 3rd regime, the conditions for the party's activities became much more difficult.

On February 16, 1908, the Senate finally refused to legalize the party.

Comprehension of the lessons of the revolution, the prospects for the liberation movement in Russia, and the role of the intelligentsia in it led to disagreements in the Cadet leadership, which, however, did not lead to organizational demarcation.

Party activity revived in connection with the preparations for the elections to the Fourth State Duma. From the very beginning of the work of the Duma, the Cadet faction introduced the following bills: on universal suffrage, freedom of conscience, an assembly of unions, and on the inviolability of the person. The faction later introduced a land tenancy reform bill. With the declaration of war, the Cadets abandoned their opposition to the government. In the appeal of the Central Committee "To like-minded people" dated 07/21/1914, it was proposed to postpone disputes and restore inner peace.

On the initiative of the Cadets, in August 1915, an inter-party "Progressive Bloc" was created. The bloc's program formulated the conditions under which liberal circles hoped to restore the unity of society and power. But the emperor's stubborn unwillingness to make concessions nullified the results of the Cadets' parliamentary tactics. The party lost influence on the development of events. During the February Revolution, the Cadets took an active part in the formation of new government bodies. They have a leading role in the formation of the Provisional Government.

Over time, the influence of the Cadets in the government begins to decline steadily. The party's policy aimed at consolidating "state-minded forces", restoring strong and firm power and order in the country, did not find public support. In the face of the revolutionary elements getting out of control, the growing economic collapse, the threat of the territorial dismemberment of Russia, the majority of the Cadet leadership supported the plans to establish a temporary military dictatorship in the country. The Cadets were active participants in the struggle against those who came to power Bolsheviks. The Cadets helped organize the sabotage of officials. The Central Committee approved the decision on the inadmissibility of service in the Soviet government for party members. The Cadets played a leading role in the Moscow underground organization "Nine", created in November 1917 with the aim of rallying the anti-Bolshevik forces. This organization was engaged in fundraising for the needs of the emerging "white army". The decision of the Council of People's Commissars of November 28, 1918 declared that the Cadets were declared the party of "enemies of the people", members of its leading institutions were subject to arrest and trial by revolutionary tribunals. Despite the decree outlawing the party, until the end of May 1918, it had certain opportunities for activity.

Organized in November 1918, the Eastern Department of the Central Committee took over the functions of one of the advisory bodies under Kolchak. At the same time, the Cadets provided ideological and organizational assistance to General N. N. Yudenich. In February 1919, the Cadets joined the Special Conference formed under General Denikin A.I., and also led the work of the Information Agency, which collected secret information about political parties, organizations and individuals. In the entourage of General Wrangel P.N., the Cadets did not play any significant role.

Against the background of the defeats of the "white" armies in the south and in Siberia, the Cadets, realizing the negative consequences that the military dictatorship had in practice, changed tactics and began to develop plans for the liberalization of power. A significant part of the Cadets in the spring of 1920 moved abroad, thus opening the emigrant period in the history of the party.

Since 1922, the political activity of cadet groups began to decline rapidly. And on December 14, 1922, at a private meeting of the Cadets in Berlin, the question arose of dissolving the party due to its actual inactivity both in Russia and abroad.

2. Radical Party.

Created by members of the Unions of Lawyers, Doctors, Railway Workers in October-November 1905 in St. Petersburg. Attorney M. S. Margulies became the leader of the party. The Central Organizing Committee of the Radical Party was in St. Petersburg. The committee included, in addition to Margulies, A. S. Ginzburg, L. M. Reingold and others. The first general meeting of the Radical was held on November 27, 1905.

A brief program of the party (in its original version approved at the meeting on November 3, 1905) was published in the Birzhevye Vedomosti newspaper. The "Draft Detailed Program of the Radical Party" was supposed to be approved at the All-Russian Congress of the Radical Party (which did not take place). As a result, the party program was not finalized. A characteristic feature of her project are noticeable socialist tendencies. The Radical Party itself explained this fact by its desire, together with the socialist parties, to implement the "principle of democracy in its purest form."

To decide the fate of Russia, the Radical Party demanded the immediate convocation of the Constituent Assembly on the basis of universal, equal, direct and secret suffrage. The democratic republic was proclaimed the most perfect form of political system. The party defended a unicameral parliament, broad local self-government, and the granting of national-political autonomy to the peoples inhabiting the Russian Empire. The members of the party imagined the future Russia in the form of a federation of autonomous territorial units - the united Russian states. The Radical Party defended the freedom of the individual, the political and legal equality of all citizens, regardless of gender, nationality or religion. In the agrarian question, the Radical Party supported the formation of a state land fund through the gratuitous expropriation of state, cabinet, monastic and church lands.

But by the end of January 1906, the party recognized that it was impossible in the current situation to achieve its main goal- convocation of the Constituent Assembly. The radical party decided to take part in the elections to the first State Duma, but it failed to win its members. In February 1906, disagreements began in the party. In March-April of the same year, the party actually ceased to exist.

3. Democratic Reform Party.

The party was formed in December 1905 in St. Petersburg. The founders are two groups of liberal intelligentsia: members of the editorial board of the Vestnik Evropy magazine M.M. Stasyulevich, K.K. Arseniev, V.D. Kuzmin-Karavaev, as well as professors of the St. Petersburg Polytechnic Institute K.P. Boklevsky, A.G. Gusakov, I.I. Ivanyukov, A.P. Makedonsky and others. The organizing committee also included lawyer D.V. Stasov. Party leader - M.M. Kovalevsky.

In a number of political parties in Russia, the Democratic Reform Party occupied a middle position between Constitutional Democratic Party and the Peaceful Renewal Party. Published in January 1906 program, the party dissociated itself from extremely radical and conservative parties. The Democratic Reform Party denied the possibility of a sudden upheaval in the social system, advocated the elimination of the remnants of the bureaucratic regime and recognized the need for fundamental changes in the life of the country. the party was opposed to the convocation of the Constituent Assembly, the granting of voting rights to women. The political program of the Democratic Reform Party was reduced to two main principles: a constitutional monarchy with a parliament with legislative functions and the separation of powers. The most developed was the agrarian section of the program, which was a series of ready-made bills. The aim of the agrarian policy of the Party of Democratic Reforms proclaimed "a radical change in the economic conditions in which the villagers who cultivate the land with their own labor are placed." It was proposed to form a state land fund from state, appanage, cabinet, monastic and privately owned lands. Land from the state fund was assigned to peasants for perpetual use (communal or household, depending on local conditions) for a fee established by law. The agrarian program of the Democratic Reform Party provided for a set of measures aimed at streamlining rental relations.

On the labor issue, the program of the Democratic Reform Party contained demands to reduce the working day, improve working conditions, and introduce a social insurance system.

The Party of Democratic Reforms associated the solution of the national question with the preservation of a united and indivisible Russia and the provision of cultural and national autonomy to various peoples.

The leaders of the Democratic Reform Party feared that strict organizational limits would hamper freedom of discussion within the party, therefore, in order to become a member of the party, it was enough to share the main provisions of the program. Despite repeated attempts by the leadership, the party was not officially registered, but the leaders were able to hold a number of meetings of the party.

During the election campaign for the 1st and 2nd State Dumas, the Democratic Reform Party promoted the idea of a bloc of constitutional forces, the formation of a constitutional center in the Duma, considered it possible to unite the political actions of the Cadets Party, the Democratic Reform Party, the Peaceful Renewal Party and the leftist parties that rejected violence (Mensheviks, People's Socialists). The party did not have an independent faction either in the 1st or in the 2nd Dumas and collaborated with the Cadets. However, the influence of the Party of Democratic Reforms in the Duma was quite strong due to the personal authority of Kovalevsky, Kuzmin-Karavaev and Prince S.D. Urusova.

In March 1906 Democratic Reform Party merged with moderate progressive party under the general name of the People's Welfare Party. By the end of 1907 The Democratic Reform Party existed "only in name". Individual members of the Democratic Reform Party joined the Peaceful Renewal Party and then the Progressives.

4.Labor People's Socialist Party.

The Labor People's Socialist Party (TNSP) or the Popular Socialists officially declared itself in September 1906. The initiators of the creation of the party and its ideologists were: A.V. Peshekhonov, V.A. Myakotin, N.F. Annensky and others. Most of them began their social and political activities in the 80s. XIX century, adjoining the left flank of legal populism, headed ideologically by one of the patriarchs of this trend, N.K. Mikhailovsky, who saw the primary tasks in liberating the country from autocracy and eliminating the yoke of exploitation from which the many millions of Russian peasants suffered, but who doubted the possibility of a revolution in Russia in the form of a mass popular uprising and therefore attached great importance to the rapprochement of the revolutionary intelligentsia with liberal public circles for the sake of the common goal of political liberation. At the same time, they waged a fierce ideological struggle with the Russian Marxists, which ultimately boiled down to the question of what Russia's path to socialism should be. In this struggle, they acted together with the ideologists of the emerging SR. The Enes and Socialist-Revolutionaries represented two currents in neo-populism: moderate and radical. In the process of the division of the intelligentsia into political parties, caused by the revolutionary events of 1905-1907, the populists of the "Russian wealth" did not immediately find their niche. They did not follow the liberal elements of "Liberationism" in Constitutional Democratic Party, disagreeing with them on two main issues of the revolution: on the issue of the content and form of political power in post-autocratic Russia and the agrarian issue.

The intention to create their own party first appeared among the populists of "Russian wealth" after the publication of the Manifesto on 10/17/1905. They prepared a corresponding official statement, but the case took a slightly different turn. An agreement was reached with the Socialist-Revolutionary leadership on the creation of a broad legal populist socialist party, but the congress of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, which took place shortly after the defeat of the Moscow armed uprising in the conditions of the unfolding government reaction, recognized the idea of such a party as untenable. Together with other left-wing forces, the populists boycotted the elections to the 1st State Duma, however, when it turned out that the masses, especially the peasantry, did not support the boycott, they quickly reorganized and took an active part in organizing the peasant deputies in the Duma into a special one, labor group in the State Duma. Their ideas formed the basis of the program of this group and its agrarian project "104s", which expressed the interests of the majority of the peasantry in the Revolution of 1905-1907.

The political situation in the country was extremely unfavorable due to intensified government repressions and a sharp decline in public mood, the liberal populists of Russkoye Bogatstvo finally decided to openly declare their intention to create an independent political party, which, according to the plan, was not only to say a new word in the liberation movement, to lead it out of the impasse, but also to rally around itself those elements of the Cadets and Socialist-Revolutionaries who, it was assumed, would leave these parties as a result of the crisis they were going through.

The first founding conference of the party took place in November 1906. in Finland. It discussed the main provisions of the party program and its tactics for the election campaign to the 2nd State Duma. The program stated that “there is nothing higher and more precious than the human personality and the essence of historical progress lies in its comprehensive development and endless improvement. The party saw its ultimate goal in providing all people with the opportunity for a "full and free life" and for each person the opportunity for "comprehensive and harmonious development." Socialism was proclaimed the ideal social system capable of providing such opportunities.

According to the Popular Socialists, socialism was to gradually grow into capitalism, just as capitalism in its time grew into feudalism. At the same time, the socialists were not assigned the passive role of observers of this process, but they had to actively intervene in it, accelerating and directing it.

Proceeding from the conditions prevailing in the country and the ratio of the opposing social and political forces, the Popular Socialists considered it necessary and possible to insist on the fulfillment of the following requirements, which in the complex constituted the platform of the party until 1917. In the political sphere:

1) in the field of personal rights: equality of all citizens before the law; the destruction of estates; assertion of freedom of conscience, speech, press, assembly, unions and movement; inviolability of person, home and correspondence;

2) in the field of public administration: the exercise of democracy in the form of representative government.

The party platform also contained such demands as the abolition of all exceptional and special courts and the introduction of a public and independent court, equal for all citizens, with elected judges and juries; establishment of criminal and civil liability officials before the court.

Among the requirements of the platform relating to the national economic sphere, paramount importance was attached to the requirements in the agrarian field. The party considered it necessary to achieve, first of all, the nationalization of the land, i.e. turning it into public property with the right to use it only by those persons who will work it with their personal labor. In the nationalization of the national economy and land, the Popular Socialists saw a way and a means to facilitate progress towards the desired goal - socialism.

On the working issue, the following requirements were noted in the platform: the legislative introduction of a maximum working day and a minimum wages; increased participation of workers in the management of industrial enterprises; freedom of strikes and trade union organizations; occupational Safety and Health; workers' insurance, etc.

It was assumed that the party would include representatives of the entire populist direction, from the secret socialist-revolutionaries to the legal populists. Organizationally rallying the broad masses on their platform, the Popular Socialists hoped in this way to lead the social movement out of the impasse in which it then found itself, on the one hand, saving it from spontaneous anarchist impulses, and on the other hand, making it a reliable and manageable support not of extremism, but of reformism. , the possibilities for which became a reality with the advent of the legislative Duma. They failed to create a mass open socialist populist party. Even in the best period for the party, the Second Duma period, there were no more than 50-60 groups with about 2,000 members. In terms of its social composition, the party was predominantly intellectual. With regard to tactics, the Popular Socialists declared that they should be reduced to such forms, methods, methods and means that would correspond to the "open" existence of the Party. However, the Popular Socialists did not have sufficient clarity and certainty on questions of tactics.

The question of participation in the election campaign for the Duma was finally decided by the First Party Conference. The best option The Popular Socialists saw the creation of a bloc of opposition forces, including the Cadets, capable of preventing the right-wing forces from winning the elections. The Popular Socialists had no illusions that social questions that touched on the fundamental interests of the masses could be resolved in the Duma in any fair way. The Duma, in the opinion of the Popular Socialists, could play a significant role in the struggle against the government for the convocation of the Constituent Assembly. This requires, above all, the unity of action of the opposition forces in the Duma itself. During the work of the Duma, the influence and authority of the Popular Socialists increased noticeably.

In the post-revolutionary period, the Stolypin agrarian reform caused serious concern among the Popular Socialists. 3rd conference called "extremely important task"for the party, the mobilization of the rural population in order to paralyze the decree of 09.11.1906. and "the indiscriminate sale of land through the Peasants' Bank, which has as its goal only a settlement of discord in the ranks of the peasantry." However, these and other recommendations and resolutions remained on paper, because. in the course of some two post-revolutionary years, the Popular Socialists as a party disappeared from the political arena.

The February revolution marked the beginning of the revival of the party. Organizational work went on in the center and in the localities, but in its scope and pace it was inferior to the work of other socialist parties, especially the Socialist-Revolutionaries. By the opening of the 1st All-Russian Party Congress (June 17-21, 1917), there were about 400 organizations with a total number of about 5 thousand people. The conference clarified the party's political platform by resolutely calling for the establishment of complete democracy in Russia in the form of a democratic republic. The perniciousness of dual power for the success of the revolution was noted, it was also emphasized that only a correctly elected Constituent Assembly is competent and capable of establishing orders in the country that meet the interests and will of the people.

The Popular Socialists saw Russia as a democratic parliamentary republic, and not a republic of Soviets. On the question of the war, it is stated that the Party is against the aggressive aims of the war and at the same time is against the immediate conclusion of peace. The war must be waged energetically, and the question of concluding peace “can arise only in connection with the cleansing of the territories belonging to Russia.

The extremely weak influence of the party among the masses is evidenced, first of all, by the results of elections to local self-government bodies and the Constituent Assembly. Thus, in the elections to the Petrograd City Duma (August 1917), the Popular Socialist Party received 3 seats, while the Socialist-Revolutionaries - 71. administrative structures of state institutions and public organizations.

Party policy in 1917 and the subsequent time was based on the conviction that socialism in Russia is not on the agenda, that there are no material or spiritual prerequisites for it yet. They saw the task of the moment in creating a strong democratic government capable of overcoming the economic and financial chaos in the country, preventing a civil war, and convening a constituent assembly.

The Popular Socialists were sharply negative about the October Revolution. In the conditions of the political situation that had changed in the country, the popes considered it necessary to fight for the reunification of statehood in the form of democracy by creating a coalition of the country's "living forces" capable of leading it out of the difficult international and domestic situation in which it found itself as a result of the Bolshevik coup. Analyzing the origin of Soviet power, its first actions, they concluded that such power is "only the restoration of the old apparatus of outwardly coercive power, the replacement of the Bourbons by the Bonapartes." Being consistent "defencists" on the question of the war, the Popular Socialists sharply protested against the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk concluded by the Bolsheviks with Germany and regarded it as one of the strongest evidence that the rule of the Bolsheviks was leading to the death of Russia.

For anti-Bolshevik activities, the Popular Socialists were subjected to various kinds of repression. However, until the summer of 1918. the party combined its illegal activities with legal ones. Since the summer, measures against the party by the authorities have been tightened, it has been deprived of the possibility of legal work. At a meeting of members of the Central Committee (May 26, 1920, Paris), who by that time were in exile, the Foreign Committee of the Party was formed, whose chairman was N.V. Chaikovsky. By the end of the 20s. in exile there were only three groups of the Popular Socialist party: Parisian, Berlin and Prague. Soon they all ceased to exist.

5. Liberal Republican Party.

Creation idea Liberal Republican Party (LRP) arose in mid-March 1917. among the Octobrists, Progressives and Left Cadets. A decision was made to publish the printed organ "Respublika", a commission was formed to develop the program.

04/08/1917 a constituent assembly was held, which set the main program goal of creating federal republic and elected a Central Committee consisting of: L.A. Bazunov, A.A. Baryshnikov, Yu.N. Glebov, I.I. Dmitryukov, S.I. Ivanov, M.S. Margulies, E.A. Ershtrem. Soon, some members of the party went over to the radical democratic party, and in Moscow, in connection with the summer elections to the district dumas, a movement was activated among the former Octobrists to create an independent party together with Petrograd. A.I. Guchkov initially did not support him and intended to bloc with the Party of People's Freedom in the elections, but in mid-May 1917. at a meeting of the Central Committee "Union of the 17th of October" announced the organization of a part of the Octobrists and members of the State Duma of a new party that defends republican-liberal ideas.

The party, which consisted of former Octobrists and representatives of the "business group" of the Moscow Duma, put forward the following demands: to recognize the principle of national and cultural autonomy, to preserve the unity of Russia, to develop labor legislation and to transfer the land to those who cultivate it.

LRP in Petrograd as early as 06/08/1917. decided to change its name to "National-Liberal" and to act independently in the elections to the City Duma of Petrograd. In August 1917 The LRP put forward its own list: Glebov, Dmitryukov, Ershtrem, but did not achieve success in September 1917. merged with the Radical Democratic Party, creating a joint Central Committee.

CHAPTER III . MODERATE-CONSERVATIVE PARTIES.

The Union of October 17 (Octobrists) is a political party named after the Manifesto of October 17, 1905, which, according to the Octobrists, marked Russia's entry onto the path of a constitutional monarchy. As a political trend, Octobrism arose at the zemstvo-city congresses of 1904-1905.

The social composition of the "Union" - officials, landlords, commercial and industrial bourgeoisie. The Octobrists advocated the establishment of a constitutional-monarchist system in Russia on the basis of the Manifesto of 10/17/1905. with the preservation of the title of "autocrat" for the monarch; for the introduction of democratic freedoms (conscience, speech, press, assembly, unions); for civil equality without distinction of sex, nationality and religion.

Speaking under the slogan of maintaining "unity and indivisibility Russian state”, the Octobrists denied the possibility of granting autonomy to certain parts of the empire (except for Finland). In the agrarian section of the program, the need was affirmed to equalize the rights of peasants with other citizens, to make it easier for them to leave the community and to secure the land in their full ownership. The forced alienation of a part of privately owned lands with mandatory remuneration of the owners was proposed. In the field of labor legislation, the Octobrists spoke in favor of "freedom of workers' organizations, unions and meetings." The Octobrist program contained demands for the introduction of a classless independent court, the expansion of the competence of the jury, as well as the adoption of measures in the field of economics and finance, public education, local government, etc. They saw the country's way out of the revolutionary crisis in the immediate convocation of the legislative Duma.

During the armed uprising of 1905. in Moscow, the "Union" supported the punitive actions of tsarism, blaming the "fratricides" on the revolutionaries. Criticism of the actions of the revolutionary parties was the main content of the agitation and propaganda of the Octobrists during the election campaign to the 1st State Duma.

In the elections to the 3rd Duma, the Octobrists formed a bloc not only with the liberals, but also with the right-wing monarchist parties and secured 43 deputy mandates for themselves. Together with the rightists, they proposed to the Duma that the revolutionary terror be condemned. By the second half of 1907. the activities of most departments of the "Union" ceased, because. all the work of the party was concentrated around the State Duma. The Octobrist center, alternately blocking itself with the moderate right and (since 1909) with the Cadets, ensured an obedient majority in the Duma for the government. Sharp attacks by the leaders of the Octobrists against the government or its individual members as a whole did not change the party's desire to act in line with Stolypin's policy. The crisis of the June 3rd system caused a certain “left” of the Octobrists, who, at a conference in November 1913. called for the transition to "decisive" action in order to force the government to follow the path of moderate-liberal reforms. The decisions of the conference led to a final split. As a result of leaving the faction of "rights" and "lefts" in the 4th Duma, a faction of Zemstvo-Octobrists was formed. Despite the fact that in 1913-1915. The Octobrist-Cadet majority of the members of the Duma repeatedly criticized the internal policy of the government, the government never got to the practical implementation of the “budget war” promised by the Octobrists. Out of the Duma by 1915 the party ceased to exist.

2.Progressive Economic Party.

The Progressive Economic Party (PEP) was formed in October 1905. in St. Petersburg on the initiative of the leadership of the St. Petersburg Society to promote the improvement and development of the factory industry. Operated exclusively in St. Petersburg and St. Petersburg district. The final formalization of the party structure took place in January 1906. The Party Council became the highest governing body, the Central Bureau became the highest executive body.

On the eve of the elections to the 1st State Duma, the party had 3,800 members. Party members were large St. Petersburg manufacturers and entrepreneurs (R.R. Antropov, A.A. Zhukov, E.L. Nobel), bankers (Ya.I. Utin), high-ranking officials (A.A. Annikov). The party had significant funds, its financing was carried out at the expense of the St. Petersburg Society of Breeders and Manufacturers and membership fees.

In its program, the PEP advocated the establishment of a constitutional monarchy in Russia. The party advocated the equality of all citizens before the law without distinction of religion, nationality, class or social status. The program demanded that the people's representation be given the right to issue laws, control over the executive branch, approve the state budget, establish taxes, duties and fees, and provide for the responsibility of ministers to it. The party program lacked a section on the national question. In the field of judicial reforms, the PEP advocated the abolition of the court of class representatives, the establishment of a lower elective court and the extension of general judicial rulings to the entire population. The labor question was proposed to be resolved by granting the workers freedom of association, strikes, meetings and strikes (their peaceful nature was emphasized), the opportunity for workers to participate in the legal socio-political life of the country. Legislative limitation of working hours was recognized only for women and minors. The economic program of the party required the development of direct progressive taxation and the gradual reduction of indirect taxes. Agrarian-peasant problems were touched upon in the program only in passing: the party advocated the abolition of redemption payments, the introduction of mortgage law, and called for the removal of obstacles to the free exit of peasants from the community. The program contained demands for reforms in the field of public education: the introduction of compulsory universal free primary education, the recognition of the autonomy of higher education.

During the election campaign for the 1st State Duma, the PEP blocked with the Union of October 17, but did not get a single member into the Duma. At the beginning of the work of the Duma, the activity of the party froze, and the number of its members began to decrease rapidly. At "private meetings" of the Central Bureau of the PEP (20.10 and 03.11.1906) it was decided to "organize" the party again and take part in the 2nd election campaign also in a bloc with the Octobrists. After the second elections did not bring success to the party, the PEP disintegrated completely.

3. Party of the right order.

The Right Order Party was founded in October 1905. In Petersburg. It received the nickname “party of superior officials”: its backbone was made up of prominent representatives of the service and local nobility (S.O. Lavrov, Count V.A. Tizenhausen), the “qualified” intelligentsia (P.P. Lyzhin, A.V. Bobrischev- Pushkin) and the big bourgeoisie (M.I. Altukhov, K.I. Belousov). The clergy played a prominent role in local party organizations, especially in the western provinces.

The party of the right order served as a kind of bridge, thanks to which the liberal bourgeoisie and the conservative nobility came closer. In its daily activities, and especially during election campaigns, the party, as a rule, was in contact or even blocked with the extreme right.

In general, the program of the party was sustained in the spirit of constitutional monarchism and contained a number of provisions traditional for Russian moderate liberal parties. The program provided for the organization of bicameral representative institutions (the issue of delimiting their functions with the monarch was bypassed), the introduction of political freedoms, equality of citizens, the expansion of the scope of activities of local governments, the democratization of the court, etc. To resolve the land issue, the party did not exclude the possibility of additional allocation of peasants at the expense of privately owned lands, and in the field of labor legislation intended to demand freedom of workers' unions, meetings, and even strikes and strikes. A feature of the program was the presence in it of special sections devoted to the reforms of the church, military affairs and the state economy.

In their practical activities, the "law enforcement" did not seek to emphasize their ideological differences with the Black Hundreds, seeing their main task in the fight against the revolution. With particular perseverance, they sought to infiltrate the environment of the urban proletariat in order to counteract the spread of socialist ideas here. The Party organized a whole staff of secret agents to observe and operate among the workers in the factories, to track down the activities of the Social Democrats there.

Propaganda by the Right Order Party of the ideas of "order and legality" in the democratic strata of society was not successful, and the police functions it voluntarily assumed completely discredited the party in public opinion. At the end of 1905 - early 1906 the crisis hit the upper echelons of the party leadership, when a group of its founders separated from the party and created its own organization - Constitutional-monarchical union. But as a result of the defeat of the constitutional-monarchist parties in elections, both in

1st, and in the 2nd State Dumas, the size of the party was sharply reduced.

Shortly after the end of the Revolution of 1905-1907. the party of the right order finally disappeared from the political arena. The most active part of its members joined the "Union of October 17" or extreme right-wing political organizations.

4.Commercial and industrial party.

The first attempt to create a Commercial and Industrial Party (CCI) dates back to the summer of 1905, when a congress of industrialists and merchants gathered in Moscow spoke out for its organization. The CCI's pre-election program appeal formulated the party's intention to become the focus of "persons of law and order" and the support of "strong government power, without which calm is unthinkable." Among the 87 people who signed the appeal, all the major entrepreneurs of the Moscow industrial region (G.A. Krestovnikov, V.V. Yakunchikov, brothers V.P. and P.P. Ryabushinsky, Baron A.L. Knop). The overwhelming majority of the rank-and-file members of the party were low-ranking employees of commercial and industrial establishments, often enrolled in the party by their bosses "wholesale" under threat of dismissal.

The center of activity of the CCI was Moscow with the district (at the beginning of 1906 the Moscow organization of the party had 15 thousand members), where in 1905-1906. she managed to develop significant pre-election activity. During the election campaigns for the 1st and 2nd State Dumas, the Chamber of Commerce and Industry was blocked with the Union of October 17, less often with Party of the right order.

In the 1st State Duma, according to a list common with other constitutional and monarchist parties, the Moscow provincial organization of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry nominated its candidate - V.S. Barshev. On the eve of the start of the election campaign for the 2nd State Duma, the Central Committee of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry informed the members of the party with a special appeal that the leadership of the election campaign was entrusted to them by the Central Committee of the Union of October 17th.

The main program aspirations of the party were formulated in the most general form, and a number of important issues (about the state system, about the separation of the functions of the monarch and legislative chambers, about ways to solve the land issue, etc.) were generally bypassed. The program contained only the requirement of "constant care" of the State Duma "on the development of all types of industry as a source of subsistence and welfare of the population." the party did not have a developed program, and from the beginning of the work of the 1st State Duma, it actually ceased to exist.

A new, but short-lived burst of CCI activity is associated with overclocking

2nd State Duma. Immediately after the publication of the new electoral law, the leadership of the party announced its desire to "organize again." During June 1907 The provisional bureau of the party was negotiating a merger with the bureau Progressive Economic Party which, apparently, had no practical results. By the end of 1907 The TPP ceased to exist.

5. Moderate Progressive Party.

The Moderate Progressive Party was formed in November 1905. in Moscow. The party advocated the establishment of a constitutional monarchy, the integrity and indivisibility of the Russian Empire, in which people's representatives, elected by universal, equal, direct and secret suffrage, "participate in the implementation legislature" (the prerogatives of the monarch were not specified).

The party program provided for the introduction of civil liberties, the expansion of the functions of local governments to "all aspects of local life", the democratization of the judiciary and the introduction of progressive taxation with a gradual reduction in indirect taxes. In the field of agrarian legislation, the party was in favor of increasing peasant land use at the expense of appanage, cabinet, and other lands. The section of the program "Labor Legislation" contained a demand for freedom of workers' unions, meetings and strikes, provided they were non-violent.

During the election campaign for the 1st State Duma, the party did not show itself in any way. In March 1906 she merged with Democratic Reform Party formed the People's Welfare Party.

6. Party of Peaceful Renewal.

The Party of Peaceful Renewal (POM, Peace Renovationists) was formed during the work of the 1st State Duma by right-wing Cadets, left-wing Octobrists, members of the Democratic Reform Party, non-partisans. Leaders - P.A. Geiden, M.A. Stakhovich, N.N. Lvov, D.N. Shipov, E.N. Trubetskoy and others.

Being moderate liberals, the peace revivalists were dissatisfied with the pro-government course of the "Union of October 17" and the left bias Constitutional Democratic Party in programmatic (especially in agrarian) and tactical issues, believing that this aggravates the internal situation in the country. They sought to create a political center that could neutralize both the forces of revolution and the forces of reaction: they advocated the peaceful, evolutionary development of the country. The main thing for ensuring socio-economic progress, they considered the rational solution of the land issue. The PMO leaders hoped that their agrarian program would attract to them the peasant deputies who had significant weight in the 1st Duma, but who had not yet made a choice between political parties. In the section "Agrarian policy" it was said about the allocation of land to small-land and landless peasants, using state, appanage, cabinet, monastic lands. great place the program focused on issues of resettlement, organizing cheap loans, regulating lease relations and prices, and raising the culture of agriculture.

If the agrarian policy was independently developed by the PMO, then the remaining sections of the program were borrowed from the Democratic Reform Party. The World Renovators have made changes to make it even more moderate. The peace-renovators are supporters of a constitutional monarchy and a parliament consisting of two chambers. In the field of legal proceedings, all deviations from the law of November 20, 1864 were canceled, and protection for preliminary investigation was introduced. The program included sections on public education (universal compulsory free education), on financial and economic policy, and on labor legislation. The protection of the interests of workers was envisaged. Freedom to strike was recognized as a peaceful settlement of relations between workers and employers. They also spoke about the reduction of the working day depending on the technical conditions of production and the improvement of working and living conditions of the working class, the protection of labor for women and children.

The name of the party emphasized its negative attitude towards violence "left" and "right". The leaders of the peace-renewalists opposed the death penalty and for a political amnesty, for the preservation and strengthening of the unitary nature of the state structure of Russia. Fearing that the Duma might take decisions that were too radical and dangerous for the civil world, the peace-renovators advocated maintaining its counterweight, the "upper chamber", i.e. State Council.

The peace-renovators tried to prevent the dissolution of the 1st State Duma by participating in negotiations on a "public ministry". But negotiations on the government stalled due to the unwillingness of the ruling elite to give up their monopoly on political decision-making, due to the political impotence of the liberals, etc.

During the campaign for elections to the 2nd State Duma, the peace-renovators tried to unite "all true constitutionalists." But after the approval of the Octobrist leader A.I. Guchkov introduced courts-martial, an alliance of liberals became impossible.

09/22/1906 The Peace Renovators petitioned the authorities to legalize their party, but were refused. Permission for legalization followed only after Heiden's personal appeal to Prime Minister P.A. Stolypin.

October 20-22, 1906 in Moscow, a meeting was held at which an appeal was drafted: calling for the unity of all progressive forces for the "struggle for freedom and culture, against all violations of constitutional principles, no matter where they come from." After that, representatives of the business world of Moscow (P.P. Ryabushinsky, S.I. Chetverikov, A.S. Vishnyakov) entered the Central Committee of the PMO - a tendency was manifested for the emergence of the most typical party of the bourgeoisie in the country. By the end of 1906 the total number of PMO was about 2 thousand people.

From mid-December 1906. mid-January 1907 The Peace Renovators prepared a new appeal to the voters, which expressed their determination to fight "for the expansion of the rights of the Duma" and for the solution of the agrarian issue. An attempt was made to convene a conference with other opposition parties to set up a "constitutional center". But it was not possible to form a "constitutional center". In the election campaign, the PMO was defeated.

The peace-renovators had little faith in the viability of the 2nd State Duma. But, like all liberals, they strove to "protect" it, hoping to lay the foundations of a "constitutional center" in it. However, the "peaceful renewal" faction in the Duma practically did not exist.

In the elections to the 3rd State Duma, no more than eight peace-renovators passed. At the same time, they acted in the election campaign as private individuals. Attempts of peace-renewalists in 1907-1908. to rally the constitutionalists in the 3rd Duma and outside it again proved fruitless. In 1908 the famous "economic conversations" began, one of the initiators of which was Trubetskoy. In the course of the conversations, representatives of the intellectual and business elite of Russia came closer together, a new political movement- progressivism.

Before the elections to the 4th State Duma, the Progressives decided to form a bloc with the Cadets and the Octobrists. In November 1912 the progressives were constituted into a party, which included the former peace-renovators.

7. Progressive Party.

The Progressive Party took shape in November 1912. Creation of the Progressive Party, which became the successor Peaceful renewal parties, was prepared by the activities of the Progressive faction in the 3rd State Duma (organizer and leader I.N. Efremov). The faction united deputies who adhered to "general constitutional and progressive views" and supported all speeches and undertakings of a constitutional nature, usually speaking together with the Cadets faction.

In the early 1910s. in the context of the crisis experienced by the Union of October 17 and the constitutional democrats, the positions of the progressives in the Duma were strengthened. They considered their main task to be the unification of the liberal parties, primarily the Cadets and the Octobrists. According to the progressives, the "united front of liberalism" could create sufficient opposition to the revolutionary forces and force the government to make concessions, to complete the reforms initiated by the Manifesto of 10/17/1905. The policy of the progressives in the Duma expressed the views of the radical part of the Moscow industrialists, who believed that the commercial and industrial class should play an important role. political role supporting the struggle for social and political reforms and at the same time defending their specific interests. They advocated the creation of a large and independent "business" party. Plans for the creation of such a party were developed during the so-called "economic conversations." During these "conversations" the political platform of "progressism" was formulated. The Duma progressives opposed the creation of a party-type organization and put forward the tactics of "non-party progressivism." During the election campaign for the 4th State Duma, they hoped to create a broad movement in which, along with non-party liberals, right-wing Cadets and left-wing Octobrists, who disagreed with the policies of their parties and were ready to leave them, could unite.

In November 1912 Petersburg, a Congress of Progressives was held, which united them into a party. At the congress, "guiding principles" for the activities of the Progressive faction in the Duma were adopted: their work should be "alien to revolutionism" and carried out within the framework of "strict legality."

The Progressive Party demanded the abolition of the state of emergency, the development of a new electoral law, the expansion of the rights of the Duma and the reform of the State Council. Progressives considered it necessary to introduce democratic rights and freedoms, to protect "national economic interests", understood by them as the interests of big capital.

However, it was not possible to create a large “business-like” party, mainly because the right-wing Cadets were not satisfied with the organizational weakness of the Progressives, while the Left Octobrists were “excessive” opposition to the government, so there was no mass transfer of members of these parties to the Progressive Party. The activities of the Progressives were concentrated in the Duma. By the beginning of the work of the 4th State Duma, their faction consisted of 48 people.

The main efforts of the progressives were focused on participating in the creation of various Duma coalitions: hoping to rally the liberals, they advocated an offensive foreign policy; put forward the idea of creating a “constitutional center” in the Duma, which would force the government to make concessions with the threat of a budget failure. The Progressives hoped that the Octobrist faction would accept their program of joint action, but agreement was reached only on certain issues. Having failed in the Duma, the Progressives, on the initiative of Konovalov, created the so-called "Information Center" in Moscow to coordinate the actions of the opposition parties. However, by refusing to support in the Duma in the spring of 1914 the obstruction arranged for I. L. Goremykin by left-wing deputies regarding the bill on freedom of parliamentary speech, they doomed their plans to lead the opposition to failure, and the Information Center ceased to exist. Nevertheless, the joint votes of the Octobrists, Progressives and Cadets in the Fourth State Duma were the first steps towards the creation of the "Progressive Bloc". The activities of the progressives significantly revived during the First World War: initially they supported the government, but gradually lost faith in its ability to bring the war to a victorious end. At the end of May 1915, a Moscow group of "progressive" industrialists put forward the slogan of "mobilizing industry" to supply the army.

In August 1915, thanks to the efforts of the Progressives, supported by other liberal and moderate right parties, the "Progressive Bloc" was formed, in which the Progressives took left positions. Unlike most members of the bloc, they considered the wartime situation favorable for the formation of the bourgeoisie as the "primary class" and sought the creation of a ministry responsible to the legislative bodies; in their opinion, only a "responsible ministry" could organize the defense of the country and ensure victory, prevent a revolution.

In November 1916, the Progressives withdrew from the Progressive Bloc, definitively at odds with the majority of its members over the demand for a Ministry of Trust. In late 1916 and early 1917, at private meetings with Konovalov and Ryabushinsky, progressives discussed various plans for a coup d'état and the composition of the future Provisional Government. After the February Revolution, the activities of the party gradually ceased, part of the progressives, led by Efremov and Professor D. N. Ruzsky, united in Russian Radical Democratic Party who advocated the establishment of a democratic republic.

CHAPTER IV . REACTIONARY-MONARCHIC PARTIES

1. Russian monarchist union.

The Russian monarchist party arose in 1905. around the editorial office of the newspaper "Moskovskie Vedomosti" on the initiative of the editor-publisher V.A. Gringmuth. The party occupied the right flank of the conservative movement, advocated the preservation of unlimited autocratic power and the dominant position of the Russian people. The program of the party initially completely rejected the idea of creating a representative elected body, believing that the main legislative body under the emperor should be the State Council appointed by him. The Russian Orthodox Church was considered by the ideologists of the Russian Monarchist Party as the spiritual foundation of society and the state. The party demanded the preservation of the unity and indivisibility of the Russian Empire. The creation of national schools and any national political organizations was considered unacceptable.

The most important factor in the stability of society was the preservation of estates, among which the clergy, nobility and peasantry were recognized as the backbone of the state. Fearing an increase in the number of the proletariat, the party called for the strengthening of peasant farms, which were recognized as the leading role in the Russian economy.

The number of the party is up to 10 thousand people, but most of the members were nominally in it. The social base is the intelligentsia, the middle urban strata, the workers. Party chairmen: V.A. Gringmuth (1905-1908), I.I. Vostorgov (1908-1913), V.V. Tomilin (November 1913 - August 1914), S.A. Keltsev (August 1914 - February 1917). The leading organs of the party were in Moscow.

The Russian monarchist party advocated the continuation of the Russo-Japanese war of 1904-1905. to victory, against any concessions to Japan, and condemned the Treaty of Portsmouth; during the Revolution of 1905-1907. acted with sharp criticism of the authorities for their indecision in the fight against the revolutionary movement; criticized the activities of the government of S.Yu. Witte.

After the split of the conservative movement (1910-1912), she actively collaborated with the renewed Union of the Russian people. An attempt to get their candidates in the elections to the 4th State Duma ended in failure for the Russian Monarchist Party, which contributed to the intensification of disagreements within the party leadership. In the autumn of 1913 the party split: its working departments, headed by V.G. Orlov, moved to Russian People's Union named after Michael the Archangel.

During World War I, the party advocated war to a victorious end.

At the initiative of the Russian Monarchist Party, several sobriety societies were created, a society to promote the patriotic education of children. The party collected funds for the purchase of a building for the Russia House, the Gringmouth Library and book warehouse was founded, and a printing house was equipped.

The Russian Monarchist Party collapsed in February 1917.

2. Union of the Russian people (Black Hundreds).

The union was founded in November 1905. In Petersburg. The leaders of the monarchical union argued that the Black Hundred is a simple people who for centuries saved the fatherland from traitors. The vast majority of the members of the organization were peasants, there were significantly fewer artisans, small merchants, and hired workers. At the same time, the top of the "Union" were representatives of the intelligentsia, civil servants, merchants, landowners, the clergy. The Black Hundreds were in favor of strengthening the dominant position of the Russian Orthodox Church, for the unity and indivisibility of the Russian Empire. The ideology of the Black Hundreds was permeated with anti-Semitism. In the agrarian question, the Union upheld the principle of the inviolability of private property, rejecting the confiscation of landowners' land. Realizing the unpopularity of this thesis among the peasants, who numerically prevailed in the Union, the leaders of the party put forward a number of secondary measures designed to improve the situation of the rural population. Although the leaders of the Union declared their adherence to the law, some of the leaders expressed the conviction that terrorist methods should be used against the revolutionaries. Lacking firm support in the Duma, the Black Hundred leadership set out to discredit the legislative institution.

Two currents gradually took shape among the Black Hundreds. One of them, called Dubrovinsky (named after Dubrovina), expressed dissatisfaction with the reforms of the socio-economic system. In contrast to the Dubrovniks, a group stood out that recognized the irreversible nature of changes in the state system. In 1916 The Union was in a state of deep crisis, its local departments were disorganized. Like other Black Hundred organizations, the Union of the Russian People failed to resist during the February Revolution. In March 1917 The union collapsed.

3. Russian People's Union named after Michael the Archangel.

The Union named after Michael the Archangel (RNS) is a right-wing organization created by the “breakaways” in early 1908. from the Union of the Russian people. The Union set itself the task of protecting Orthodoxy, autocracy and the fatherland from any enemies. According to the program, the Union was supposed to contribute to "organizing the life of the Russian people on the basis of love for the Motherland, the exaltation of the Orthodox Church, devotion to the autocratic tsar and the renewal of the life of Russia in the spirit of Russian self-consciousness." The State Duma was recognized as a link that was supposed to fill the broken direct connection between the tsar and the ruled people. The Union did not recognize any differences "between the Great Russians, Belarusians and Little Russians." The charter proclaimed the task: the creation of consumer shops, as well as the bank of the Union with the aim of “raising exclusively Russian trade and industry. In addition, the obligation of the Union was proclaimed "to take care of increasing peasant land ownership on the basis of property rights, to improve agricultural crops, to supply the population with improved tools for cultivating the land", to take care of the settlers. The Union maintained contacts with other right-wing organizations. It is also indicative in this respect that RNS figures could simultaneously be members of several right-wing organizations.

After the outbreak of World War I, the leadership of the Union did not take part in meetings of authorized right-wing organizations, believing that in war conditions only such meetings were justified, the work of which was directly connected with the help of the army. After the February Revolution, the RNS legally ceased to exist. No shares after February 1917. The Union did not. In September 1917 on the basis of the former Union, the former leaders tried to create a new monarchical organization, which was supposed to mobilize political forces in order to fight anarchy and restore the monarchy. But on 11/18/1917 the leaders of the RNS were arrested by the Petrograd Cheka.

CHAPTER V . NATIONAL PARTIES.

1. Bund.

The Bund is a social-democratic organization, officially called the General Jewish Workers' Union in Lithuania, Poland and Russia.

Represented mainly Jewish artisans of the western regions of the Russian Empire. It was founded in 1897 in the city of Vilna (now Vilnius). Among the leading leaders were R. A. Abramov, I. L. Aizenshtadt, A. I. Kremer and others. At the first congress of the RSDLP in 1898, the Bund entered the party as an autonomous organization. From 1906 she occupied the Menshevik positions. After the October Revolution, some members of the Bund went over to the Bolsheviks, others opposed, which led to a split in the organization. In 1921, the union broke up.

2.Zionist-Socialist Workers' Party (SSWP).

One of the most significant Jewish political parties. The first attempts to form the SSWP date back to the beginning of 1904 (by the forces of Jewish artisans and intellectuals who deviated from "Poalei Zion"). N. Syrkin and B. Borokhov were considered the main theoreticians and leaders of the SSWP. The main task of the Jewish proletariat was considered by the SSWP to be the struggle for the creation of a Jewish state in Palestine or temporarily in some other territory where the Jews would form the majority and live compactly.

In the main, all Jewish socialist parties were unanimous, declaring that the solution of the Jewish question is possible not as a result of a socialist revolution in the countries of the "diaspora", but only through the creation of an "autonomous Jewish national economy."

With regard to the first State Duma, the Social Zionists recognized as the only expedient tactic an "active external boycott", which alone represents the best way to discredit the Duma and deprive it of its authority in the eyes of the people. On the question of an armed uprising, the Zionist congress recognized "it is necessary to carry on a broad, tireless agitation in order to prepare a general armed uprising, to which the Great Russian Revolution inevitably leads."

The total number of Zionist parties in Russia in 1905-1907 fluctuated between 10,000 and 20,000 people. The social basis of the party during this period was made up of representatives of the radical democratic strata of society (handicraftsmen, artisans, clerks), the Jewish intelligentsia, and nationalist-minded elements of the working class. During the period of sharp clashes between the revolutionary forces and the autocracy in 1905-1907, the SSWP urged its members not to participate in the political revolutionary struggle. From the end of 1905, the SSWP took an active part in the trade union movement.

After the Revolution of 1905-1907, there was a sharp evolution of the SSWP to the right. By 1909, Syrkin and his supporters had become ardent adherents of Zion, began to advocate an "exodus" from the "diaspora", concentrating their efforts on Arab-populated Palestine. After the February Revolution, there was an intensification of the activities of supporters of social Zionism. In March 1917, the members of the SSWP joined (together with representatives Socialist Jewish Workers Party(SERP)) to the United Jewish Socialist Workers' Party (JESWP) and supported the slogans of their leaders on the creation of a "national-personal autonomy" of the Jews and the Bund's course towards the implementation of "cultural-national autonomy".

In May 1917, congresses of Jewish public figures(Zionists and Bundists) in Kyiv and Yekaterinburg, which aimed to strengthen the influence of the Jewish bourgeoisie. After October 1917, the Zionists and their supporters made no secret of their hostility towards Bolsheviks and supported the actions of the "Committee of Salvation", which fought against the MRC and the SNK. The outbreak of the Civil War completed the process of disintegration of the Zionist organizations in the country.

3.Russian progressive union.

The Russian Progressive Union is the party of the Russian liberal intelligentsia, formed at the end of 1905. in Warsaw. The founders and leaders of the Union: E.N. Dobuzhinsky, N.I. Rozanov, S.A. Pantsov, A.K. Mordvilko. The program document adopted by the party put forward the priorities of the organization: the creation in Russia of a democratic system based on the observance of the civil rights of the population; convocation of the Constituent Assembly. The Union declared the urgent need to resolve the national question in the multinational Russian Empire, to recognize the principle of self-determination of nations. First of all, the Union supported the efforts of the Poles in the struggle for equalization of their civil rights with the Russians. The Union advocated the improvement of the social position of the working masses.

The membership of the party was over 100 people. The emergence of the Russian Progressive Union, Russian in composition, caused a sharp negative attitude of the tsarist administration in Warsaw. The latter considered the party as an obstacle to the national policy of Russification pursued by the government in the Polish provinces. The union practically did not have time not only to carry out any noticeable political actions, but even to fully organize itself, when repressive measures were taken against the leaders of the party by the police. By April 1906 The Union, as a political party, ceased to exist.

4.Socialist Jewish Labor Party.

The first attempt to create a Socialist Jewish Workers' Party (SERP) dates back to December 1905. The organizing committee was instructed to convene the founding congress of the new party. However, the aggravated disagreements did not allow a quick unification of heterogeneous political forces. And only in April 1906. the final formalization of the SERP took place at the 1st Party Congress. The main core of the new party was made up of a group that emerged from the Zionist Socialist Workers' Party (SSWP) and the pro-Socialist-Revolutionary wing of the Vozrozhdeniye organization. The leaders of the party were H.O. Zhitlovsky, M.B. Ratner. In the spring of 1906 SERP had 13 thousand people in its ranks.

The ideologists declared the party a "workers' party", declared their commitment to "socialism and the idea of class struggle", entered into a permanent bloc with Party of Socialist Revolutionaries. Party members actively showed themselves in the Revolution of 1905-1907.

SERP boycotted the elections to the 1st State Duma, but abandoned the boycott tactics in the summer of 1906. This allowed them to nominate independent candidates during the election campaign for the elections to the 2nd Duma. Their electoral tactics were based on the support of the Socialist-Revolutionaries against the Bund and the Socialist Zionists. In 1906-1907. SERP quite sharply dissociated itself from the Bundists and from the Zionist-socialists.

The content of the program was determined by three main principles: socialism as the ultimate goal of the Jewish labor movement, the revolutionary struggle against autocracy and territorialism - the creation of an independent Jewish state in Palestine. The agrarian question occupied an important place in the program. The Serpovites considered the national issue to be the second fundamental issue. They sharply criticized national program and the Cadets, and defended the principle of federalism. In the field of government, the SERP demanded the convening of national constituent assemblies.

Despite a very categorical attitude towards other Jewish socialist parties in 1906-1907, it was the SERP that during the years of reaction came out as a supporter of the unification of all Jewish parties. Its leaders now began to assert that the idea of mass Jewish emigration to Palestine and the program of the Bund not only did not contradict each other, but complemented each other.

The streak of reaction played its role, and mass emigration of party members began in the SERP, the destruction of its organizations. The February Revolution brought the SERP out of the underground. In an effort to expand their influence on the masses, the Serpovites in May 1917. united with the Zionist Socialists. After October 1917 part of the “Unified” acted as open opponents of the Bolsheviks and took an active part in the armed struggle of the warring parties in various parts countries. Another, having perceived communist ideals as a guide to action, in the spring of 1919. united with the leftist Bundists and created the United Jewish Communist Workers' Party (OEKRP).

5.Party of the moderate right.

The Moderate Right Party was founded in December 1908 - March 1909. on the basis of the “moderate right” faction in the 3rd State Duma. Number - 70 people. The leader of the faction and party - P.N. Balashev. The backbone of the party was the landowners of the western provinces, whose mentality, on the one hand, was characterized by tough national-religious anti-liberalism and unconditional loyalty to the tsarist government, and on the other hand, recognition of the legislative Duma, commitment to market relations. A prominent role in the party was played by V.A. Bobrinsky, P.N. Krupensky, L.V. Polovtsov.

Despite Balashev's desire to create a wide network of local departments of the party and turn it into an organization capable of competing with the Union of October 17 for leadership in the conservative Duma bloc, which became the main legislative pillar of P.A. Stolypin, this was only possible after the merger of the party with All-Russian National Union(January 1910), who inherited the main ideological, theoretical and organizational guidelines of the party.

6.All-Russian National Union (VNS).

Formed in St. Petersburg in the spring and summer of 1908. Party leaders: S. V. Rukhlov, A. P. Urusov, N. O. Kuplevasky, N. A. Tarasov, M. O. Menshikov.

The purpose of the union was to promote: the dominance of the Russian people within the Russian Empire, the strengthening of the consciousness of Russian national unity, the organization of Russian household self-help and the development of Russian culture, as well as the strengthening of Russian statehood on the basis of the autocratic power of the tsar in unity with legislative popular representation.

Ideologically, the VNS was located between "Union of October 17" and Black Hundred organizations, however, on most fundamental issues related to the reformist course pursued in the country, he linked up with the Octobrist Party. In social terms, in the first period of the existence of the VNS (1908-1910), it was dominated by the conservative St. Petersburg elite.

As the State Duma was preparing to merge the national group (leader - Urusov) with the moderate-right faction (P. N. Balashev), prerequisites were created for organizing the unification of the VNS and Parties of the moderate right. The merger of factions was accelerated by P. A. Stolypin, who sought to create a stable conservative majority in the third State Duma. Despite the retention of the former name, the renewed VNS was an organization where the former leaders of the moderate right occupied a leading position. The program developed by the WPC was based on the program documents of both factions. The “moderate right” P. N. Krupensky, V. A. Bobrinsky, L. V. Polovtsev, D. N. Chikhaev began to play an active role in the new leadership of the party and faction.

The "peak" of the organized activity of the VNS fell on the election campaign of 1912, when sympathy for the VNS was clearly manifested by the Ministry of Internal Affairs and personally by Emperor Nicholas II. The true “stronghold” of nationalism was the provinces with a mixed population, primarily the Southwestern and Northwestern, where Russian landowners, as well as representatives of the urban elite, experienced economic, cultural and political pressure from Polish landowners, European merchants and entrepreneurs.

At the first congress, the tactical part of the party program was updated, on the basis of which an election platform was then developed: strengthening the position of the Russian Orthodox Church and the financial situation of the clergy, the growth of Russia's military power; national-religious direction in the development of public education; development of small credit; "nationalization" of cheap credit, that is, the legislative removal of foreigners from wide access to it. The congress recognized the possibility of pre-election blocs "with all political parties not to the left of the Octobrists", and agreements with the Poles were excluded. The desire of the nationalists to "protect the State Duma" was especially emphasized.

Converging with the Octobrists on most domestic political and practically on most foreign policy issues, the nationalists found themselves on extreme right-wing positions on national and religious issues.

As the general liberal reforms came to a standstill, and the Octobrists expressed more and more concern about this, their contradictions with the nationalists grew, for whom it was precisely the second policy of the Stolypin premiership, associated with the so-called "policy of nationalism", that was the period of their maximum political power.

Obstruction, which (with the secret knowledge of Emperor Nicholas II) was subjected to in State Council the bill on the Western Zemstvo, led to a conflict between both chambers and the government of Stolypin, on the side of which only nationalists spoke out, fully justifying the actions of the prime minister to carry out the bill on an emergency basis. As the crisis of the political system grew, two currents emerged within the GNA and its Duma faction. Right, which advocated a close alliance with the far right. The left, which spoke out in favor of an alliance with the Octobrists and Progressives.

Many nationalists took part in the First World War. After the February Revolution, most nationalists leave the political arena. After the October Revolution, a significant part of the former nationalists was physically destroyed, some took part in the White movement. Many nationalists emigrated.

CONCLUSION.

The entire period from 1895 to 1917 can be divided into several stages.

At the first, at the beginning of the century, almost all parties, as already mentioned, were in opposition to the autocracy, they were united by one goal: the elimination of the remnants of serfdom and autocracy as factors preventing Russia from developing along the path of progress. Only by placing political power under its control, the Russian bourgeoisie could begin bourgeois-democratic transformations in all spheres of society.

The liberal bourgeois parties, reflecting the demands of democratization, constituted the liberal-democratic "center" of the opposition movement, which balanced the two extreme positions - the left and the right. This situation was also reflected in the composition of the First and Second State Dumas, where the bourgeois parties were a fairly strong liberal-centrist bloc, in which the Cadets played a decisive role, and the socialist parties (Trudoviks, Popular Socialists) were located on its left wing.

The revolution of 1905-1907 gradually changed the political situation. Socialist ideas are gradually beginning to supplant liberal ones. Along with this, the government programs for the capitalist transformation of the economy and, above all, agriculture require the strengthening of the government bloc. Thus, at this stage, there is a delimitation of class interests in a single opposition camp. Socialist parties - both proletarian and neo-populist - are united in a left bloc. The bourgeois parties, such as the Party of Democratic Reforms, which is on the right wing of the "center left", shifted to the right, to the Octobrists. Part of the parties of the right wing of the conservative camp, for example, the Party of Law and Order, went over to the Black Hundreds. There is a certain correction of the “center” and a sharp polarization between the extreme right and the extreme left in the entire political arena. This was also reflected in the composition of the Third State Duma.

A noticeable correction in the alignment of political forces slows down the course of bourgeois-democratic reforms. The government of P. A. Stolypin, which prepared a program of such reforms and put them into practice, is criticized both from the right and from the left. Such confrontation in society makes society socially unstable.

It should also be said that the methods of fighting terror, which were used both from the right (Black Hundreds) and from the left (Socialist-Revolutionaries), calls from both sides for an immediate political coup (in order to establish justice) put the country between two lights, but the choice was small.

Since 1912 there has been an even greater shift to the right. This is due to the intensification of national-patriotic sentiments in the pre-war period and the emergence of nationalist groups within almost all parties, which then actively supported the tsarist government in the war. The political positions of the big bourgeoisie are strengthened especially during the First World War, since their interests coincide with those of the monarchy. Thus, the inexorable tilt to the right, which began in the previous period, ends during the war. Already the elections to the Fourth State Duma reflected this process. Again there were two majorities: the Rights and the Octobrists - 283, the Octobrists, the Cadets and the national bourgeois parties - 226. But now the Rights have become the largest faction. The liberal bourgeoisie is trying to consolidate and create a progressive bloc in the State Duma. However, liberalism is already being squeezed from the right (nationalism) and from the left (socialism). There is a real threat not only to the right-wing dictatorship, but also to the elimination of the multi-party system.

The February bourgeois-democratic revolution dramatically changed the situation. The liquidation of the autocracy opened up prospects for bourgeois-democratic reforms, since the bourgeoisie received real power and, accordingly, the opportunity to lead the country along the path of such transformations. Parties that had more or less serious programs formed a coalition government: Cadets, Socialist-Revolutionaries, Mensheviks, Trudoviks, in which the Cadets took the place of the autocracy, and the rest - the state opposition. This situation was complicated by the dual power represented by the Provisional Government (VRP) and the Soviets. The liberal bourgeoisie was now confronted by two extreme blocs: 1) the extreme left, advocating a socialist revolution, the overthrow of the bourgeois system and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat (the Bolshevik Party); 2) extreme right, advocating the establishment of a military dictatorship.

At this stage, the liberal center was finally weakened, even though it received real political power: firstly, it was weakened by dual power, and secondly, the Provisional Government did not have a constructive program to bring the country out of the national crisis. This pushed the extreme right and extreme left opposition to seize political power. Russia actually had a choice only between two dictatorships. the establishment of any of them meant the end of the multi-party system in Russia. This stage ended by October 1917, when the Bolshevik Party seized political power.

Considering the change in the balance of power in the political arena in the period from the end of the 19th century to 1917, we can say that already during the revolutionary events of 1905-1907, Russia was faced with a difficult choice. However, the specifics of the socio-economic and political development of Russia forced her to choose only between two dictatorships. The Russian liberal bourgeoisie, which had a real opportunity to realize the Western version of bourgeois-democratic development and played the role of a "center" in the alignment of forces, was unable to cope with this task. Having lost control of society in July 1917, she opened the way first for the military, and then for the Bolsheviks.

Bibliography.

1. Shelokhaev V.V., Volobuev O.V., Gorshkov M.K., Political parties of Russia. Russian political encyclopedia, M.: publishing house ROSSPEN, 1996.

2. Shanin T. Revolution as a moment of truth. Russia 1905-1907, 1917-1922 - M.: Ves Mir, 1997.

3. Werth N. History of the Soviet state. M. - 1992.

4. Borodina O. I. "Russia at the turn of two eras." M. - 1992.

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