In the early 1990s, Yeltsin was trying to carry out a series of economic and political reforms that had long been brewing in order to bring the country out of the crisis, but faced serious obstacles from the leadership of the USSR. Not only relations between the USSR and the RSFSR are deteriorating, but also relations between Yeltsin and Gorbachev.

In 1990, Yeltsin left the party, and on June 12 he was elected president of the Russian Federation. The subsequent August putsch and the collapse of the USSR only strengthened the position of the democrat Yeltsin, who became the head of the new state - Russian Federation and creates the CIS.

Since 1992, Yeltsin again begins to carry out political and economic reforms, this time without hindrance. However, a number of reforms do not bring the desired result, and an internal conflict is brewing in the government between the legislative and executive powers. The crisis in the country is getting worse, the authorities cannot agree, the new Constitution is still in development and causes a lot of controversy, which ultimately leads to a council in 1993 on issues of confidence in the President and the Supreme Council, which ends in tragic events. As a result of the council, Yeltsin remains in power, and the country continues to move along the course he had planned, but all the Soviets are liquidated. The events of the dispersal of the Council were called the October putsch. In December 1993, a new Constitution was adopted and the RSFSR turned into a presidential-type republic. Yeltsin is still trusted, but separatist sentiment is growing within the country.

The Chechen war, along with growing discontent within the state, hit Yeltsin's ratings hard, but this did not stop him from wanting to run for a second presidential term in 1996. Despite the growing split within the highest authorities and his own team, Yeltsin still becomes the new president. During his second term, Yeltsin's influence on the political and economic situation in the country weakened, and he lost ground. Another crisis and default occurs in the country, and the Yeltsin government no longer shows the stability it had before. The president's rating is falling lower and lower, and along with it, Boris Nikolaevich's health is deteriorating.

In 1999, Yeltsin appointed acting Prime Minister Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin, and at the end of the year he resigned during the New Year's address.

Results of Yeltsin's reign

One of Yeltsin’s main achievements in his political career was the separation of the RSFSR (Russia) from the Soviet Union and its transformation into a democratic state with a president at its head. As president, Yeltsin carried out a number of reforms in order to bring the country out of the crisis, but they were not successful. Yeltsin's personality and activities today are assessed ambiguously.

Collapse of the USSR

By 1990, the idea of ​​perestroika had exhausted itself. The Supreme Soviet of the USSR adopted a resolution “On the concept of transition to a regulated market economy”, followed by a resolution “Main directions for stabilization National economy and the transition to a market economy." Provision was made for the denationalization of property, the establishment of joint stock companies, and the development of private entrepreneurship. The idea of ​​reforming socialism was buried.

In 1991, Article 6 of the USSR Constitution on the leading role of the CPSU was repealed.

The process of forming new parties, mainly anti-communist, began. The crisis that gripped the CPSU in 1989-1990 and the weakening of its influence allowed the Communist Parties of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia to secede.

Since the spring of 1990, there has been a process of loss of power of the center over the regions and union republics.

The Gorbachev administration accepts the changes that have occurred as a fact, and all that remains for it is to legislate its actual failures. In March 1990, the 3rd Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR took place, at which M.S. Gorbachev was elected President of the USSR.

Gorbachev raised the question with the leaders of the republics about the need to conclude a new Union Treaty. In March 1991, a referendum was held on the preservation of the USSR, in which 76% of citizens were in favor of its preservation. In April 1991, negotiations between the President of the USSR and the heads of the union republics took place in Novo-Ogarevo. However, out of 15 republics, only 9 took part, and almost all of them rejected Gorbachev’s initiative to preserve a multinational state based on a federation of subjects.

By August 1991, thanks to the efforts of Gorbachev, it was possible to prepare a draft agreement on the formation of the Commonwealth of Sovereign States. The SSG was envisioned as a confederation with limited presidential power. This was the last attempt to preserve the USSR in any form.

The prospect of losing power over the republics did not suit many functionaries.

On August 19, 1991, a group of high-ranking officials (USSR Vice-President G. Yanaev, Prime Minister V. Pavlov, Defense Minister D. Yazov), taking advantage of Gorbachev’s vacation, established the State Committee for a State of Emergency (GKChP). Troops were sent to Moscow. However, the putschists were rebuffed, protest rallies were held, and barricades were built near the building of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR.

President of the RSFSR B.N. Yeltsin and his team characterized the actions of the State Emergency Committee as an anti-constitutional coup, and its decrees as having no legal force on the territory of the RSFSR. Yeltsin was supported by the Extraordinary Session of the Supreme Council of the Republic convened on August 21.

The putschists did not receive support from a number of military leaders and military units. Members of the State Emergency Committee were arrested on charges of attempting a coup. Gorbachev returned to Moscow.

In November 1991, Yeltsin signed a decree suspending the activities of the CPSU on the territory of the RSFSR.

These events accelerated the process of collapse of the USSR. In August, Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia left it. Gorbachev was forced to legally recognize the decision of the Baltic republics.

In September, the 5th Extraordinary Congress of People's Deputies decided to terminate its powers and dissolve itself.

December 8, 1991 at Belovezhskaya Pushcha the leaders of three Slavic republics - Russia (B.N. Yeltsin), Ukraine (L.M. Kravchuk) and Belarus (S.S. Shushkevich) announced the termination of the treaty on the formation of the USSR.

These states made a proposal to create the Commonwealth of Independent States - CIS. In the second half of December, the three Slavic republics were joined by other union republics, except the Baltic republics and Georgia.

On December 21, in Almaty, the parties recognized the inviolability of borders and guaranteed the fulfillment of the international obligations of the USSR.

Boris Yeltsin was the first President of Russia. He was a strong leader, although he made many tactical blunders in his position. For eight years this man led a huge country and tried to lead it out of the crisis.

Job in Moscow

In 1968, Boris Yeltsin began his party career. A graduate of the Ural Polytechnic named after Kirov became the head of the construction department. Success in political service provided him with a quick breakthrough in his career. In 1984, Boris Nikolaevich was already a member of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. From 1985-1987 served as First Secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU.

In 1987, at the plenum of the Supreme Council, he criticized the activities of the current leader Mikhail Gorbachev. He was demoted to the position of deputy head of Gosstroy. In 1989, Yeltsin became a people's deputy of the USSR Supreme Council.

In 1990, he became Chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR.

1991 presidential election

On March 17, 1991, a referendum was held in the USSR. On the agenda were the issue of introducing the post of president and the item on maintaining the status of the USSR. Purposeful and uncompromising Boris Yeltsin decided to run as a candidate for the presidency. His competitors in this race were pro-government candidate Nikolai Ryzhkov and Vladimir Zhirinovsky.

On June 12, 1991, the first presidential elections. B. N. Yeltsin was elected by a majority of votes. The reign of the first leader of Russia was originally supposed to be 5 years. Since the country was in a deep political and economic crisis, no one knew how long real life will last new president in his chair. A. Rutskoy was elected vice-president. He and Yeltsin were supported by the Democratic Russia bloc.

On July 10, 1991, Boris Yeltsin took an oath to serve his people faithfully. Mikhail Gorbachev remained the President of the USSR. Dual power did not suit the ambitious Yeltsin, although many researchers and politicians argue that the final goal of the new Russian leader was the collapse of the Union. Perhaps it was a political order that he carried out brilliantly.

August putsch

The years of Boris Yeltsin's reign were marked by significant unrest at the top of the state. Members of the CPSU did not want a change in leadership and understood that with the arrival of a new leader, the collapse of the USSR and their removal from power was not far off. Yeltsin harshly criticized the nomenklatura circles and repeatedly accused senior leaders of corruption.

Gorbachev and President Yeltsin, whose reign had been unstable, discussed the cornerstones of their cooperation and decided to eliminate the USSR politically. For this purpose, it was decided to create a confederation - the Union of Sovereign Soviet Republics. On August 20, this document was to be signed by the leaders of all union republics.

The State Emergency Committee launched active activities on August 18-21, 1991. During Gorbachev's stay in Crimea, a temporary government agency State Emergency Committee, and a state of emergency was introduced in the country. The population was informed about this on the radio. The Democratic forces led by Yeltsin and Rutsky began to resist the old party elite.

The conspirators had some support in the army and the KGB. They pulled up some separate groups of troops to bring them into the capital. Meanwhile, President of the RSFSR Yeltsin was on a business trip. Opponents of the collapse of the Union decided to detain him upon arrival as far as possible from the White House. Other putschists decided to go to Gorbachev, convince him to introduce a state of emergency by his decree and appeal to the people.

On August 19, the media announced the resignation of M. Gorbachev for health reasons, acting. O. Gennady Yanaev was appointed president.

Yeltsin and his supporters were supported by the opposition radio Ekho Moskvy. The Alpha detachment arrived at the president's dacha, but there was no order to block him or take him into custody, so Boris Nikolaevich was able to mobilize all his supporters.

Yeltsin arrives in The White house, and local rallies begin in Moscow. Ordinary democratically minded citizens are trying to resist the State Emergency Committee. The protesters built barricades in the square and dismantled paving stones. Tanks without ammunition and 10 infantry fighting vehicles were driven to the square.

On the 21st, mass clashes began, three citizens died. The conspirators were arrested, and Boris Yeltsin, whose years of rule were tense from the very beginning, dissolved the CPSU and nationalized the party's property. The putschist plan failed.

As a result, in December 1991, secretly from M. Gorbachev, the Bialowieza Agreements were signed, which put an end to the USSR and gave rise to new independent republics.

1993 crisis

In September 1993 former comrades quarreled. B. N. Yeltsin, whose years of rule were very difficult in the initial period, understood that the opposition in the person of Vice-President A. Rutsky and the Supreme Council of the RSFSR was doing its best to slow down new economic reforms. In this regard, B. Yeltsin issued decree 1400 - on the dissolution of the Armed Forces. A decision was made to hold new elections to the Federal Assembly.

Naturally, such a monopolization of power caused protest among members of the Supreme Council. As usual, equipment was brought to the capital and people were brought out into the streets. Several attempts were made to impeach the president, but Yeltsin ignored the legislation. Supporters of the Armed Forces were dispersed, opposition leaders were arrested. As a result of the clashes, according to various sources, about 200 people were killed and more than a thousand were injured.

After the victory of Boris Yeltsin and his supporters in Russia there was a transitional period of presidential dictatorship. All government bodies connecting Russia with the USSR were liquidated.

Socio-economic reforms of B. Yeltsin

Many economists and politicians, looking back at the years of Yeltsin's rule in Russia, call his policies chaotic and stupid. There was no single clear plan. For the first few years, the state was generally in a political crisis, which eventually resulted in the 1993 coup.

Many of the ideas of the president and his supporters were promising, but in implementing them according to the old monopolized system, Yeltsin ran into many pitfalls. As a result, the reform of the state led to a protracted crisis in the economic sphere, loss of deposits from the population and complete distrust of the authorities.

The main reforms of President Yeltsin:

• price liberalization, free market;
• land reform - transfer of land into private hands;
• privatization;
• reforming political power.

First Chechen War

In 1991, the independent Republic of Ichkeria was formed on the territory of Chechnya. This state of affairs did not suit Russia. President of the new independent republic became Dzhokhar Dudayev. The Russian Supreme Court declared the elections invalid. The victory of the separatist forces led to the collapse of the Chechen-Ingush Republic. Ingushetia decided to remain autonomous within Russia. Based on this desire, Boris Yeltsin, whose years of rule had already been washed by rivers of blood, decided to send troops during the Ossetian-Ingush conflict of 1992. Chechnya was actually an independent state, not recognized by anyone. There was actually a civil war going on in the country. In 1994, Yeltsin decided to send troops to restore order in the Chechen People's Republic. As a result, the armed conflict with the use of Russian troops lasted two years.

Second presidential term

The second presidential term was extremely difficult for Boris Yeltsin. Firstly, constant heart problems were taking their toll, and secondly, the country was on the verge of a crisis, which the “sick” president did not have the strength to cope with. Bid again president-elect made on the “political youth” represented by Chubais and Nemtsov. Their active implementation of the reform course did not lead to the expected increase in GDP; the country lived off multi-billion dollar loans. In 1998, Yeltsin, whose years of rule were not successful for the state, began to look for a successor. This was the unknown head of the FSB, V. Putin.

Resignation

In 1998, B. Yeltsin’s “sand” economy collapsed. Default, price increases, job cuts, total instability, shutdown of large enterprises. The virtual market economy could not withstand the harsh realities. Having chosen a worthy candidate for his post and having secured V. Putin’s commitment to a comfortable old age, the first President of Russia, speaking in front of television viewers, resigned.

Yeltsin's foreign policy aimed at recognizing Russia as sovereign state and was aimed, on the one hand, at establishing relations with Western countries and overcoming the consequences of the Cold War, and on the other hand, at building new relations with the former Soviet republics, most of which became members of the CIS.

After the creation of the CIS in 1991, in December 1993 Yeltsin was elected its chairman. During the reign of B. N. Yeltsin, summits of the heads of state of the CIS were held several times a year. In March 1996, Yeltsin, together with the President of Belarus A. G. Lukashenko, the President of Kazakhstan N. A. Nazarbayev and the President of Kyrgyzstan A. A. Akaev, concluded an agreement on deepening economic and humanitarian integration, and in April 1996 - an agreement on the alliance of Russia and Belarus. This association has changed its name and status several times, but has not yet been fully implemented and exists more “on paper.” IN last years The board advocated the creation of a single economic space.

At the end of January 1992, Boris Yeltsin took initiatives for disarmament and stated that from now on weapons former USSR will not target US cities.

In 1993, while on a visit to Poland, Boris Yeltsin signed a Polish-Russian declaration in which he “sympathized” with Poland’s decision to join NATO. The declaration stated that such a decision does not contradict the interests of Russia. Similar statements were made by Yeltsin in Slovakia and the Czech Republic.

Strobe Talbot, US First Deputy Secretary of State in 1994-2001, a direct participant in the negotiations, pointed out in his memoirs that in his foreign policy“Yeltsin agreed to any concessions, the main thing was to have time between glasses...” It is B. N. Yeltsin’s passion for alcohol that explains B. Clinton’s success in achieving his political goals. Here's what Talbot writes about this in his book:

Clinton saw Yeltsin as a political leader wholly focused on one big task: driving a stake through the heart of the old Soviet system. Supporting Yeltsin to succeed in this task was, in Clinton's eyes (and my own) the most important goal, which justified the need to come to terms with many much less noble, and sometimes downright stupid things. Moreover, the Clinton-Yeltsin friendship made it possible for the United States to achieve specific, difficult goals that could not be achieved through any other channels: the elimination nuclear weapons in Ukraine, conclusion Russian troops from the Baltics, obtaining Russian consent to NATO expansion, involving Russia in a peacekeeping mission in the Balkans.

Yeltsin’s well-known foreign policy steps were also the following:

· Withdrawal of Russian troops from Germany;

· Opposed the bombing of Yugoslavia, threatened to “redirect” Russian missiles to the USA.

Farewell to Boris Yeltsin began in the Moscow Cathedral of Christ the Savior. Politicians, political scientists and journalists continue to actively discuss the Yeltsin era and the historical role of the first president of Russia.

The passing of Boris Yeltsin is the end of an entire era associated with the life and work of the first president of Russia. This line is very uneven. There were few who were indifferent to Boris Nikolaevich. People both loved and criticized him; political scientists tried to find a balance between the Russian leader's achievements and his miscalculations. Carnegie Moscow Center expert Andrei Ryabov believes that it is simply impossible to calculate the balance of pros and cons in Boris Yeltsin’s actions. The scale of the personality, as well as the scale of the historical task facing it, is too voluminous for simple arithmetic:

Results political activity Yeltsin can hardly be assessed in the categories of quantitative accounting. The separation of powers has been built, but a modern multi-party system has not been created. Or, on the contrary, conditions have been created for media freedom, but there are no real guarantees of non-return to previous living conditions. The main thing is still different - he carried out an unfinished, but perhaps the most serious attempt in the entire modern history a breakthrough to a new type of development based on private property rights, political pluralism, and free choice for each person of his form of existence. This is the most consistent attempt in our history to reach a different type of development for the country.

According to Andrei Ryabov, the current style Russian authorities, recognized both in the West and in Russia itself as not the most democratic, has its roots in the reign of Boris Yeltsin, but does not at all correspond to what Yeltsin the reformer once intended:

I would not contrast this system with the one that existed under Yeltsin. I believe that, after all, its foundations were largely formed during the late Yeltsin period. Yeltsin was also different. Yeltsin of the early 90s - follower, active, Yeltsin the revolutionary. Since the mid-90s, maybe a little earlier, this is a politician who plays mainly to preserve what has been achieved, who has abandoned radical reforms, seeking a compromise with the remnants of the previous ruling groups. Apparently, it was in this second, as if late Yeltsin, that the foundations of the current system were created. In comparing this system with the early Yeltsin, of course, one can see not just serious contradictions, but also a denial of many of the initiatives that were initiated by Yeltsin.

During Yeltsin's reign, at least two events occurred that split society. The former chairman under Boris Yeltsin remembers them State Duma Gennady Seleznev:

There was an execution of the Supreme Council when, in fact, two branches of government - the executive and the legislative - failed to agree. I believe that the mechanisms of negotiations were not fully used. It would be possible to remove all these questions in order not to relive the nightmare that we all remember. Probably, the Chechen war could have been avoided. But this, I believe, is due to the character of the president, who loved to insist on his point of view. Sometimes he later realized that he had done something wrong and changed his tactics, but at the same time, often in the heat of emotion he made decisions that led to serious consequences.

Russian history knows many wars started, but it is almost unknown statesmen, who later admitted that the war they started was wrong. The disgraced businessman Boris Berezovsky speaks about the uniqueness of Boris Yeltsin in this sense in an interview with Radio Liberty:

When Boris Nikolaevich left in 1999, he only repented once, once! If you contact this last speech as president, he asked for forgiveness only for Chechnya. He was deeply worried. I know how much effort it took him to decide on a peace treaty with Chechnya, nevertheless, he made this decision, the only right decision at that time. I was a direct witness to his doubts, his difficult thoughts, essentially thinking about the fact that he had to publicly sign up for his mistake, which cost Russia very dearly. I want to tell you one very important thing. Please note that during the first war, Chechens left Chechnya for Russia, and during the second war they left Russia abroad.

In the 1990s, Yeltsin brought to the fore a whole galaxy of young Russian politicians and businessmen. Former First Deputy Prime Minister of Russia Boris Nemtsov believes that Boris Nikolaevich tried to convey the most important thing to these young celebrities, among whom he was himself:

He had these basic values ​​in his head. I include the following among them. He believed that freedom was better than censorship. He believed that private initiative was better than mossy bureaucracy. He believed that Russia is an integral part of the world and should be an open country.

Even the harshest critics of Boris Yeltsin do not dare to curtail the market economy that was built in Russia precisely under its first president. Yevgeny Yasin, who held the post of Minister of Economy under him, talks about the significance of the figure of Boris Yeltsin:

He believed that it was possible to transition to a market economy without any difficulties, he proposed some kind of plan, which was palmed off to him by his young colleagues, who were not professional enough. But then he decided and pledged his authority, colossal at that time, to implement these reforms. He called on Gaidar's team. With a few decisive steps (despite the fact that this caused the situation in the country and living standards to worsen), he carried out market reforms within, one might say, one year. After which Russia became a market economy instead of a planned one. A perspective opened up before her. It was a colossal achievement.

The fruits of Boris Yeltsin’s life are so large-scale that now only the very first and momentary assessments of what he did are heard. The further the 1990s go into history, the clearer the person who led the country at that time will become.

Yeltsin, Boris Nikolaevich (1931 - 2007) - Russian statesman and political figure, first president of the Russian Federation, leader of the democratic movement in the late 1980s, leader of the resistance during the August 1991 putsch, initiator of the separation of the RSFSR from the USSR and the creation of a new Constitution.

Yeltsin is known primarily for his activities in the early 1990s of the 20th century, when he actively campaigned for the democratization of the country, the separation of the RSFSR from the USSR and the creation of a new type of state where regions had greater independence. Yeltsin came to power during the August 1991 coup, when he stopped the members of the State Emergency Committee and prevented them from coming to power. Later he played a prominent role in the process of the collapse of the USSR and the formation modern Russia. He is also the first president of the Russian Federation.

Brief biography of Yeltsin

Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin was born on February 1, 1931 in the Sverdlovsk region into a family of ordinary peasants. He studied well at school and after graduating he entered the Ural Polytechnic Institute, studying to become an engineer. After graduating from university, he worked in various construction organizations until in 1963 he received the position of chief engineer at the Sverdlovsk house-building plant. Later he became its director.

Yeltsin's political career began with party activities in 1968. Since 1976, he has held the post of first secretary of the Sverdlovsk regional committee, and since 1981 he has become a member of the CPSU Central Committee. With the beginning of perestroika political career Yeltsin is going up, but it doesn't last long.

In 1985, he held the post of head of the construction department of the CPSU Central Committee and first secretary of the CPSU Moscow City Committee, and a year later he became a candidate for the CPSU Politburo. During his activities as party leader, Yeltsin shows himself as an ardent democrat who is ready to defend his political ideals rather harshly and not criticize even the top officials of the state. To confirm this, in 1987 he seriously criticized the current political situation and the personal activities of Gorbachev, for which he was immediately expelled from the Politburo. However, Yeltsin’s political career does not end there; until the end of the 1980s he was in disgrace, but still continued to work.

Thanks to his desire to establish democracy in the USSR, Yeltsin eventually became the head of the democratic movement. In 1989, he was elected as a people's deputy at the next Congress, and later he became a member of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. In 1990, Yeltsin took the post of Chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR.

Yeltsin's political activities before and after the collapse of the USSR

In 1990, Yeltsin tries to carry out several economic reforms that would help bring the country out of a deep crisis, but faces serious resistance from the leadership of the USSR. The relationship between Yeltsin and Gorbachev is only aggravating the situation, and the RSFSR is increasingly talking about its desire to become an independent state.

In 1990, Yeltsin left the party and was elected president of the Russian Federation, thereby proclaiming his disagreement with the policies of the Union. In 1991, the August putsch thundered, which brought Yeltsin to power. The Russian Federation and the CIS are created, the USSR disintegrates.

In 1992, Yeltsin again began his activities to reform the state. He is leading a series of political and economic reforms that should lead Russia out of the crisis and put it on the path to democracy, but the reforms do not bring the desired result. Discontent is growing within the government, and there are constant debates about the new Constitution, the reforms themselves and the future of the country. A conflict is brewing between the legislative and executive powers. In 1993, these events lead to the convening of an urgent council, at which the issue of confidence in the president and the Supreme Council is raised. As a result of the bloody events, called the October putsch, Yeltsin remains as president, but the Supreme Council and other councils are finally liquidated. The country continues the path begun by Yeltsin.

Despite the fact that Yeltsin still enjoys trust, discontent within the country is growing, and various radical groups are emerging. The situation is worsened by a number of difficult decisions made by the president within the framework of foreign policy, in particular, the decision to start Chechen war. Despite his falling rating, Yeltsin still decides to run for a second presidential term. Despite disagreements even within his team, he is still elected to office in the second round.

During his second term, the country plunges into another economic crisis, a default occurs, the authorities are increasingly dissatisfied with the president, and he himself is rapidly losing his health. In 1999, Yeltsin, after a certain leapfrog, appointed acting Prime Minister Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin, and at the end of this year announced his resignation, without waiting for the end of his presidential term.

Results of Yeltsin's reign

Yeltsin took a direct part in the process of separation of the RSFSR from the USSR with the current collapse Soviet Union and the creation of the Russian Federation. Despite the fact that he sought to create a democratic country, his decisions in domestic and foreign policy today are interpreted ambiguously by historians.