DECREE OF THE VICE PRESIDENT OF THE USSR
Due to the impossibility for health reasons, Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev assumed the duties of President of the USSR on the basis of Article 127/7 of the USSR Constitution on August 19, 1991.
Vice-President of the USSR G.I. YANAEV.
STATEMENT OF THE SOVIET LEADERS
Due to the impossibility for health reasons of Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev to fulfill the duties of the President of the USSR and the transfer of the powers of the President in accordance with Article 1277 of the USSR Constitution USSR to the Vice-President of the USSR Gennady Ivanovich Yanaev:
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| Pravda newspaper, August 21, 1991 |
in order to overcome the deep and comprehensive crisis of political, interethnic and civil confrontation, chaos and anarchy that threaten the life and safety of citizens Soviet Union, sovereignty, territorial integrity, freedom and independence of our Fatherland;
based on the results of the national referendum on the preservation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics; Guided by the vital interests of the peoples of our Motherland, all Soviet people, we declare:
In accordance with Article 1273 of the Constitution of the USSR and Article 2 of the Law of the USSR "On the Legal Regime of a State of Emergency", and meeting the demands of broad sections of the population about the need to take the most decisive measures to prevent society from sliding into a national catastrophe, to ensure law and order, introduce a state of emergency in in certain areas of the USSR for a period of 6 months from 4 o'clock Moscow time on August 19, 1991.
Establish that throughout the entire territory of the USSR the Constitution of the USSR and the laws of the USSR have unconditional supremacy.
To govern the country and effectively implement the state of emergency, form State Committee By state of emergency in the USSR (GKChP USSR) in the following composition: Baklanov O. D. - First Deputy Chairman of the Defense Council of the USSR, Kryuchkov V. A. - Chairman of the KGB of the USSR, Pavlov V. S. - Prime Minister of the USSR, Pugo B. K. - Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR, Starodubtsev V. A. - Chairman of the Peasant Union of the USSR, Tizyakov A. I. - President of the Association of State Enterprises and Industrial Facilities, Construction, Transport and Communications of the USSR, Yazov D. T. - Minister of Defense of the USSR, Yanaev G. I. - and O. President of the USSR.
Establish that decisions of the State Emergency Committee of the USSR are binding for strict execution by all government and administrative bodies, officials and citizens throughout the territory of the USSR.
G. YANAEV, V. PAVLOV, O. BAKLANOV.
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| "Time" information program |
ADDRESS TO THE SOVIET PEOPLE
Compatriots! Citizens of the Soviet Union!
In a difficult, critical hour for the fate of the Fatherland and our peoples, we turn to you! A mortal danger looms over our great Motherland! The policy of reforms launched on the initiative of M. S. Gorbachev, conceived as a means of ensuring the dynamic development of the country and democratization of public life, has reached a dead end for a number of reasons. The initial enthusiasm and hopes were replaced by unbelief, apathy and despair. The authorities at all levels have lost the trust of the population. Politics has crowded out concern for the fate of the Fatherland and the citizen from public life. Evil mockery of all state institutions is being instilled. The country essentially became ungovernable. Taking advantage of the freedoms granted, trampling on the newly emerging sprouts of democracy, extremist forces arose that set a course for the liquidation of the Soviet Union, the collapse of the state and the seizure of power at any cost.
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| Not everyone understands the horror of what is happening. Photo AP/Reuters/Scanpix |
The results of the national referendum on the unity of the Fatherland have been trampled. Cynical speculation on national feelings is just a screen for satisfying ambitions. Neither the present troubles of their peoples nor their tomorrows bother political adventurers. By creating a climate of moral and political terror and trying to hide behind the shield of popular trust, they forget that the ties they condemned and severed were established on the basis of much broader popular support, which has also passed the test of centuries of history. Today, those who are essentially leading the cause of the overthrow of the constitutional order must answer to their mothers and fathers for the deaths of many hundreds of victims of interethnic conflicts. They are responsible for the crippled fates of more than half a million refugees. Because of them, tens of millions of Soviet people, who only yesterday lived in a single family, lost peace and joy in life, and today find themselves outcasts in their own home. What the social system should be like should be decided by the people, and they are trying to deprive them of this right.
Instead of caring about the safety and well-being of every citizen and the entire society, often the people in whose hands the power is, use it in interests alien to the people, as a means of unprincipled self-affirmation. Streams of words, mountains of statements and promises only emphasize the poverty and wretchedness of practical affairs.Inflation of power is more terrible than any other, destroying our state and society. Every citizen feels growing uncertainty about the future and deep anxiety for the future of their children.
The power crisis had a catastrophic impact on the economy. The chaotic, spontaneous slide towards the market caused an explosion of egoism: regional, departmental, group and personal. The war of laws and the encouragement of centrifugal tendencies resulted in the destruction of a single national economic mechanism that had been taking shape for decades. The result was a sharp decline in the standard of living of the vast majority of Soviet people, and the flourishing of speculation and the shadow economy. It’s high time to tell people the truth; if urgent and decisive measures are not taken to stabilize the economy, then famine and a new round of impoverishment are inevitable in the very near future. from which it is one step to mass manifestations of spontaneous discontent with devastating consequences. Only irresponsible people can hope for some help from abroad. No amount of handouts will solve our problems; salvation is in our own hands. The time has come to measure the authority of each person or organization by its real contribution to recovery and development National economy.
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For many years, from all sides we have been hearing incantations about commitment to the interests of the individual, concern for his rights, and social security. In reality, the person found himself humiliated, denied real rights and opportunities, and driven to despair.
There is an attack on workers' rights. The rights to work, education, health care, housing, and recreation are called into question.
Even the basic personal safety of people is increasingly under threat. Crime is growing rapidly, organized and politicized. The country is plunging into the abyss of violence and lawlessness. Never in the history of the country has propaganda of sex and violence been on such a scale, threatening the health and lives of future generations. Millions of people are demanding action against the octopus of crime and gross immorality.
The deepening destabilization of the political and economic situation in the Soviet Union is undermining our position in the world. In some places, notes of revanchism were heard, and demands were being made to revise our borders. There are even voices about the dismemberment of the Soviet Union and the possibility of establishing international trusteeship over individual objects and regions of the country. This is the sad reality. Just yesterday, a Soviet person who found himself abroad felt like a worthy citizen of an influential and respected state. Nowadays he is often a second-class foreigner, whose treatment bears the stamp of disdain or sympathy.
The pride and honor of the Soviet people must be restored in full.The State Committee for the State of Emergency in the USSR is fully aware of the depth of the crisis that has struck our country, it accepts responsibility for the fate of the Motherland and is determined to take the most serious measures to bring the state and society out of the crisis as quickly as possible.
We promise to hold a broad national discussion of the draft new Union Treaty. Everyone will have the right and opportunity in a calm environment to reflect on this most important act and make a decision on it. For the fate of numerous peoples of our great Motherland will depend on what the Union becomes.
We intend to immediately restore law and order, put an end to the bloodshed, declare a merciless war on the criminal world, and eradicate shameful phenomena that discredit our society and humiliate Soviet citizens. We will clear the streets of our cities from criminal elements and put an end to the tyranny of the plunderers of people's property.
We stand for truly democratic processes, for a consistent policy of reforms leading to the renewal of our Motherland, to its economic and social prosperity, which will allow it to take its rightful place in the world community of nations.
The country's development should not be based on a decline in the living standards of the population. In a healthy society, continuous improvement in the well-being of all citizens will become the norm.
While we remain committed to strengthening and protecting individual rights, we will focus on protecting the interests of the broadest segments of the population, those hit hardest by inflation, industrial disruption, corruption and crime.
By developing the multi-structured nature of the national economy, we will also support private enterprise, providing it with the necessary opportunities for the development of production and the service sector.
Our first priority will be to solve food and housing problems. All available forces will be mobilized to meet these most pressing needs of the people.
We call on workers, peasants, working intelligentsia, all Soviet people to the shortest possible time restore labor discipline and order, raise the level of production, and then decisively move forward. Our lives and the future of our children and grandchildren, the fate of the Fatherland depend on this.
We are a peace-loving country and will strictly comply with all our obligations. We have no claims against anyone. We want to live with everyone in peace and friendship. But we firmly declare that no one will ever be allowed to encroach on our sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. Any attempts to speak with our country in the language of dictatorship, no matter who they come from, will be resolutely suppressed.
Our multinational people have lived for centuries filled with pride in their Motherland; we were not ashamed of our patriotic feelings and consider it natural and legitimate to raise the current and future generations of citizens of our great power in this spirit.
To fail to act at this critical hour for the fate of the Fatherland means to take on heavy responsibility for tragic, truly unpredictable consequences. Everyone who cherishes our Motherland, who wants to live and work in an atmosphere of calm and confidence, who does not accept the continuation of bloody interethnic conflicts, who sees their Fatherland in the future as independent and prosperous, must make the only right choice. We call on all true patriots and people of good will to put an end to the current time of troubles.
We call on all citizens of the Soviet Union to realize their duty to the Motherland and provide full support to the State Committee for the State of Emergency in the USSR and efforts to bring the country out of the crisis.
Constructive proposals from socio-political organizations, labor collectives and citizens will be gratefully received as a manifestation of their patriotic readiness to actively participate in the restoration of centuries-old friendship in a single family of fraternal peoples and the revival of the Fatherland.
Before our eyes, all democratic institutions created by the people's will are losing their weight and effectiveness. This is the result of the deliberate actions of those who, by grossly flouting the Basic Law of the USSR, are actually committing an anti-constitutional coup and are reaching for an unbridled personal dictatorship. Prefectures, mayor's offices and other illegal structures are increasingly replacing the Soviets elected by the people.
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) - a self-proclaimed government body in the USSR, consisting of representatives of the leadership of the CPSU Central Committee and the USSR government, which carried out an attempt to remove M.S. on August 18-21, 1991. Gorbachev from the post of President of the USSR, seizure of power in the country, change of political course. The events of August 1991, which ended with the arrest of members of the State Emergency Committee, predetermined the collapse of the USSR.
The political and economic crisis that the USSR experienced since the late 1980s threatened the existence of the socialist system in the Soviet state, the hegemony of the Communist Party in it, and the unity of the country. Part of the Soviet leadership saw the reasons for the negative phenomena in the policy of perestroika and glasnost, which was pursued by the President of the USSR and general secretary Central Committee of the CPSU M.S. Gorbachev. In their opinion, Gorbachev’s inconsistency, excessive liberalism, and carelessness led to the fact that outspoken enemies of socialism were able to launch a widespread protest movement in the USSR, weaken state discipline, and paralyze the effectiveness of law enforcement agencies.
The State Emergency Committee included Vice-President of the USSR Gennady Ivanovich Yanaev (Chairman of the State Emergency Committee), Prime Minister of the USSR Valentin Sergeevich Pavlov, First Deputy Chairman of the USSR Defense Council Oleg Dmitrievich Baklanov, Chairman of the KGB of the USSR Vladimir Aleksandrovich Kryuchkov, Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR Boris Karlovich Pugo, Minister Defense of the USSR Dmitry Timofeevich Yazov, President of the Association of State Enterprises and Facilities of Industry, Construction, Transport and Communications of the USSR Alexander Ivanovich Tizyakov, Chairman of the Peasant Union of the USSR Vasily Aleksandrovich Starodubtsev. On August 18, 1991, President of the USSR M.S. Gorbachev, by means of specially created security groups, was isolated in his residence in Foros (Crimea), where he was on vacation with his family.
On the morning of August 19, members of the State Emergency Committee made an appeal on television, announced the introduction of a state of emergency for six months, the deployment of troops to Moscow, the introduction of censorship in the media and the banning of a number of them, the abolition of a number of constitutional rights and freedoms of citizens. However, no effective measures were taken to ensure the state of emergency. This allowed opponents of the State Emergency Committee, primarily the leadership of the RSFSR led by B.N. Yeltsin, the city authorities of Moscow and Leningrad, organized powerful resistance. By call Russian authorities, masses of Muscovites gathered at the House of Soviets of the Russian Federation (White House), among whom were representatives of different social groups: democratically minded public, students, intelligentsia, veterans of the Afghan war. The actions of the State Emergency Committee were qualified as a coup d'etat. On August 21, 1991, all members of the State Emergency Committee were arrested, with the exception of the USSR Minister of Internal Affairs Boris Pugo, who committed suicide.
In addition to members of the State Emergency Committee, persons who, according to the investigation, actively assisted the State Emergency Committee, were brought to criminal liability. Among them were the Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR A.I. Lukyanov, member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee O.S. Shenin, First Secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU Yu.A. Prokofiev, Army General V.I. Varennikov, head of the General Department of the CPSU Central Committee V.I. Boldin, head of the security of the President of the USSR V.T. Medvedev, Deputy Chairman of the KGB of the USSR G.E. Ageev, head of security at the residence in Foros V.V. Generals. The State Emergency Committee was publicly supported by the leader of the Liberal Democratic Party V.V. Zhirinovsky, but he was not held accountable because he did not hold any public office.
The actions of the members of the State Emergency Committee and their supporters were considered by the investigation, but did not receive a legal assessment, since in 1994 all arrested members of the State Emergency Committee were amnestied before trial. Only V.I., who was not a member of the committee, voluntarily appeared before the court. Varennikov, who was acquitted.
On August 19, 1991, at six o’clock in the morning Moscow time, a “Statement of the Soviet leadership” was broadcast on radio and television, which read: “Due to the impossibility for health reasons of Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev to fulfill the duties of the President of the USSR and the transfer, in accordance with Article 127.7 of the USSR Constitution, of the powers of the President of the Union SSR to Vice-President Gennady Ivanovich Yanaev", "in order to overcome the deep and comprehensive crisis, political, interethnic and civil confrontation, chaos and anarchy that threaten the life and safety of citizens of the Soviet Union, the sovereignty, territorial integrity, freedom and independence of our Fatherland" A state of emergency is introduced in certain areas of the USSR, and the State Committee for the State of Emergency in the USSR (GKChP USSR) is formed to govern the country. The State Emergency Committee was headed by: First Deputy Chairman of the USSR Defense Council O. Baklanov, Chairman of the KGB of the USSR V. Kryuchkov, Prime Minister of the USSR V. Pavlov, Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR B. Pugo, Chairman of the Peasant Union of the USSR V. Starodubtsev, President of the Association of State Enterprises and Facilities industry, construction, transport and communications of the USSR A. Tizyakov, Minister of Defense of the USSR D. Yazov, acting President of the USSR G. Yanaev.
State Emergency Committee Resolution No. 1 ordered the suspension of activities political parties, public organizations, prohibited holding rallies and street processions. Resolution No. 2 prohibited the publication of all newspapers except the following: “Trud”, “Workers’ Tribune”, “Izvestia”, “Pravda”, “Red Star”, “Soviet Russia”, “Moskovskaya Pravda”, “Lenin’s Banner”, “Selskaya” life".
The resistance to the putschists was led by the President of the RSFSR Boris Yeltsin and the Russian leadership. Yeltsin's Decree was issued, where the creation of the State Emergency Committee is qualified as a coup d'etat, and its members as state criminals. At 1 p.m., the President of the RSFSR, standing on a tank, reads out an “Appeal to the Citizens of Russia,” in which he calls the actions of the State Emergency Committee illegal and calls on the citizens of the country to “give a worthy response to the putschists and demand that the country be returned to normal constitutional development.” The appeal was signed by: President of the RSFSR B. Yeltsin, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR I. Silaev, Chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR R. Khasbulatov. In the evening, a press conference of members of the State Emergency Committee was shown on television; the trembling hands of the acting President of the USSR G. Yanaev were visible.
On August 20, volunteer detachments of defenders (about 60 thousand people) gather around the House of Soviets of the RSFSR (White House) to defend the building from an assault by government troops. On the night of August 21, at about one in the morning, a column of airborne combat vehicles approached the barricade near the White House, about 20 vehicles broke through the first barricades on Novy Arbat. In the tunnel, blocked by eight infantry fighting vehicles, three defenders of the White House were killed - Dmitry Komar, Vladimir Usov and Ilya Krichevsky. On the morning of August 21, the withdrawal of troops from Moscow began.
At 11:30 a.m. on August 21, an emergency session of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR began. Speaking to the deputies, Boris Yeltsin said: “The putsch occurred precisely at a time when democracy began to grow and gain momentum.” He reiterated that “the coup is unconstitutional.” The session instructed the Prime Minister of the RSFSR I. Silaev and the Vice-President of the RSFSR A. Rutsky to go to the President of the USSR M. Gorbachev and free him from isolation. Almost at the same time, members of the State Emergency Committee also flew to Foros. On August 22, on a TU-134 plane of the Russian leadership, USSR President M. Gorbachev and his family returned to Moscow. The conspirators were arrested by order of the President of the USSR. Subsequently, on February 23, 1994, they were released from prison under an amnesty declared State Duma. On August 22, 1991, M. Gorbachev spoke on television. In particular, he said: “... the coup d'etat failed. The conspirators miscalculated. They underestimated the main thing - that the people have become different over these, albeit very difficult years. He breathed in the air of freedom, and no one can take that away from him.”
19.08.2015 23:55
August 19, 1991, 24 years ago, Soviet people From the morning television news I learned about the formation of the State Committee for the State of Emergency in the USSR (GKChP). It was announced that the country's President Mikhail Gorbachev was ill and Vice President Gennady Yanaev, Chairman of the State Emergency Committee, took over his duties.
Meanwhile, armored vehicles were entering Moscow. Columns of armored personnel carriers and tanks obediently stopped when the light turned red. Television announcers transmitted documents from the State Emergency Committee every hour, after which they showed on TV “ Swan Lake" It started to look like a farce.
Boris Yeltsin (by that time already the president of the RSFSR) pulled towards White House comrades-in-arms to “repel the junta.” The members of the Soviet leadership themselves sat back, as if waiting for something. The press conference that members of the State Emergency Committee gave in the evening did not add any clarity. On the contrary, it caused chuckles about Yanaev’s shaking hands.
It was a very strange putsch.
On August 20, it became clear: the State Emergency Committee was losing to Yeltsin, who gathered a rally at the White House to repel the “putschists” and “defend” Gorbachev, who was illegally removed from power. On the night of the 21st, in a tunnel on the Garden Ring, three guys died under the tracks while trying to stop armored vehicles, and in the afternoon Gorbachev was rescued from Foros. This was followed by arrests by the Russian prosecutor's office of members of the State Emergency Committee and those leaders who actively supported it.
As a result, the following people ended up in the cells of the Matrosskaya Tishina detention center: Vice-President of the USSR G.I. Yanaev, Prime Minister V.S. Pavlov, Minister of Defense D.T. Yazov, Head of the KGB of the USSR V.A. Kryuchkov, Deputy Chairman of the Defense Council O.D. Baklanov, Chairman of the Association of State Enterprises of Industry, Transport and Communications A.I. Tizyakov, chairman of the Agro-Industrial Union and chairman of the collective farm V.A. Starodubtsev. And also their like-minded people: Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee and Politburo member O.S. Shenin, Chief of Staff of the President of the USSR V.I. Boldin, Deputy Minister of Defense, Commander-in-Chief Ground Forces General V.I. Varennikov, heads of KGB departments Yu.S. Plekhanov and V.V. Generals. A couple of days later they were joined by the Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR A.I. Lukyanov, who was not a member of the committee and did not support it. Russian prosecutor Valentin Stepankov accused all of them of “treason to the Motherland.” There were only 4 months left before the liquidation of the USSR.
The coup lasted only three days, but became a point of no return for the vast country.
The empire, which in August 1991 was just cracking along the borders of the republics, in December of the same year irrevocably broke into several pieces.
But then, on August 21, the victory over the State Emergency Committee was greeted with jubilation. People believed that, even if not immediately, even if it was difficult, but in the foreseeable future we would live in a prosperous, civilized, democratic country. However, this did not happen.
Outside the country
After the end of World War II, the main directions of the struggle against the Russian people were determined, which were later embodied in official documents US government, and, above all, in Council directives National Security USA and the laws of this country.
In a circular from US Secretary of State J.F. Dulles to American embassies and missions abroad on March 6, 1953, immediately after Stalin's death, emphasized:
Our main goal remains to sow doubts, confusion, uncertainty regarding the new regime not only among the ruling circles and the masses in the USSR and satellite countries, but also among communist parties outside the Soviet Union.
And finally, the Captive Peoples Act, adopted by the NOA Congress in August 1959, openly raised the issue of dividing Russia into 22 states and inciting hatred against the Russian people. The same law determines the independence of the current Donbass, called Cossackia in the text, and thereby makes the current US policy towards the Donetsk and Lugansk People's Republics untenable.
Since 1947, under the pretext of fighting communism American government allocates hundreds of millions of dollars annually to implement programs to combat Russia and the Russian people.
One of the main points of these programs was the training of “like-minded people, allies and assistants” in Russia.
Most detailed plan the destruction of the USSR was described in Directive 20/1 of the US National Security Council dated August 18, 1948:
Our main goals regarding Russia, in essence, boil down to just two:
a) Reduce the power and influence of Moscow to a minimum;
b) Carry out fundamental changes in the theory and practice of foreign policy,
which are adhered to by the government in power in Russia.
For the peace period, NSS Directive 20/1 provided for the capitulation of the USSR under external pressure. The consequences of such a policy were, of course, foreseen in the NSC Directive 20/1:
Our efforts to get Moscow to accept our concepts are tantamount to a statement: our goal is the overthrow of Soviet power. Starting from this point of view, we can say that these goals are unattainable without war, and, therefore, we thereby admit: our ultimate goal in relation to the Soviet Union is war and the overthrow of Soviet power by force.
It would be a mistake to follow this line of reasoning.
Firstly, we are not bound by a specific deadline to achieve our goals in Peaceful time. We do not have a strict alternation between periods of war and peace that would prompt us to declare: we must achieve our goals in peacetime by such and such a date or “we will have recourse to other means...”.
Secondly, we should rightly feel absolutely no sense of guilt in seeking to eliminate concepts incompatible with international peace and stability and replace them with concepts of tolerance and international cooperation. It is not our place to think about the internal consequences that the adoption of such concepts in another country may lead to, nor should we think that we bear any responsibility for these events... If Soviet leaders find that the growing importance of more enlightened concepts of international relations is incompatible with maintaining their power in Russia, then it is their business, not ours. Our job is to work and ensure that internal events happen there... As a government, we are not responsible for internal conditions in Russia... .
The new US strategic doctrine regarding the USSR NS DD-75, prepared for US President R. Reagan by Harvard historian Richard Pipes, proposed intensifying hostile actions against Russia.
The directive clearly formulated, writes American political scientist Peter Schweitzer, that our next goal is no longer coexistence with the USSR, but a change in the Soviet system. The directive was based on the conviction that changing the Soviet system through external pressure was entirely within our power.
Another American doctrine is "Liberation" and the concept of " Information war”, developed for the administration of President George W. Bush, openly proclaimed the main goal of the Western world to be “dismantling the USSR” and “dismembering Russia”, ordered American legal and illegal structures to monitor the situation, initiate and manage anti-Russian sentiments and processes in the Russian republics and establish a fund in billion dollars per year to assist the “resistance movement.”
In the seventies and eighties, the American program for training agents of influence in the USSR acquired a complete and purposeful character. It cannot be said that this program was not known to the Soviet leadership. The facts say that it was. But those people whom we today can with full responsibility call agents of influence deliberately turned a blind eye to it.
Inside the country
The KGB of the USSR prepared a special document on this matter, which was called “On the CIA’s plans to acquire agents of influence among Soviet citizens.”
According to KGB Chairman Kryuchkov, the competent authorities of the USSR knew about these plans:
Pay attention to the deadline - it speaks of a thoughtful, long-term policy, the core of which is genocide.
Today we can speak with complete certainty about the implementation of many plans developed by the world behind the scenes in relation to the USSR. In any case, by the beginning of the eighties, American intelligence had dozens of assistants and like-minded people in the highest echelons of power. The role of some of them is already quite clear, the results of their activities are obvious and data on their cooperation with foreign intelligence services cannot be refuted.
According to data reported by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Latvia, from 1985 to 1992, the West (primarily the USA) invested “in the process of democratization of the USSR (that is, in the destruction of Russia) 90 billion dollars. Services were purchased with this money the right people, agents of influence were trained and paid, special equipment, instructors, literature, etc. were sent.
Through the network of representative offices of the Crible Institute and similar institutions, hundreds of people who formed the personnel backbone of the destroyers of the USSR and the future Yeltsin regime, including: G. Popov, G. Starovoitova, M. Poltoranin, A. Murashov, S. Stankevich, underwent instructive training for agents of influence. , E. Gaidar, M. Bocharov, G. Yavlinsky, Yu. Boldyrev, V. Lukin, A. Chubais, A. Nuikin, A. Shabad, V. Boxer, many “shadow people” from Yeltsin’s entourage, in particular the head of his elected campaign in Yekaterinburg A. Urmanov, as well as I. Viryutin, M. Reznikov, N. Andrievskaya, A. Nazarov, prominent journalists and television workers. Thus, a “fifth column” was formed in the USSR, which existed as part of the Interregional Deputy Group and “Democratic Russia”.
It is reliably known that M. Gorbachev knew from the reports of the KGB of the USSR about the existence of special institutions for training agents of influence, and he also knew the lists of their “graduates”. However, he did nothing to stop the activities of the traitors.
Having received a dossier from the KGB leadership containing information about an extensive network of criminals against the state, Gorbachev prohibits the KGB from taking any measures to suppress criminal attacks. Moreover, he covers and shields with all his might “ godfather» agents of influence in the USSR A.N. Yakovlev, despite the fact that the nature of the information about him coming from intelligence sources did not allow one to doubt the true background of his activities.
Here is what the former KGB chairman Kryuchkov reports about this:
In 1990, the State Security Committee through intelligence and counterintelligence received from several different (and assessed as reliable) sources extremely alarming information regarding A. N. Yakovlev. The meaning of the reports was that, according to estimates Western intelligence services, Yakovlev occupies positions favorable to the West, reliably opposes the “conservative” forces in the Soviet Union, and can be firmly counted on in any situation. But, apparently, the West believed that Yakovlev could and should show more persistence and activity, and therefore one American representative was instructed to hold a corresponding conversation with Yakovlev, directly telling him that more was expected of him.
It is worth recalling that many of the “young reformers” went through Andropov’s “Lonjumeau School”, which was the International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis (IIASA) in Vienna, where regular, quarterly seminars were held, to which our “trainees” came, accompanied by “curators” " from the KGB and met there with Western "management specialists", half of whom were Western intelligence officers. And Gorbachev himself became friends with Andropov back in the 1970s, which can explain a lot.
Andropov and Gorbachev, Stavropol region, 1973
Even after receiving this information, Gorbachev refuses to do anything. Such behavior of the first person in the state indicated that by that time he, too, was closely integrated into the system of connections of the world behind the scenes.
The first published news about M. Gorbachev’s membership of the free masons appeared on February 1, 1988 in the German small-circulation magazine “Mer Licht” (“More Light”). Similar information is published in the New York newspaper “New Russian Word” (December 4, 1989), there are even photographs of US President Bush and Gorbachev making typical Masonic signs with their hands.
Meeting in Malta. In the photo: on the left is USSR Foreign Minister Eduard Shevardnadze, second from left is General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Mikhail Gorbachev, second from right is US President George W. Bush. Photo: RIA Novosti
However, the most compelling evidence of Gorbachev's affiliation with Freemasonry is his close contacts with leading representatives of the world Masonic government and his membership in one of the main mondialist structures - the Trilateral Commission. The mediator between Gorbachev and the Trilateral Commission was the famous financial businessman, freemason and agent of the Israeli intelligence service Mossad, J. Soros, who in 1987 formed the so-called Soros-Soviet Union Foundation, from which the Soviet-American Cultural Initiative Foundation later grew, which had openly anti-Russian character.
AGENTS OF INFLUENCE
Soros funds were used to pay for the anti-Russian activities of politicians who played a tragic role in the fate of the USSR, and in particular Yu. Afanasyev. In 1990, he financed the stay in the United States of a group of developers of the “500 Days” program to destroy the Soviet economy, led by G. Yavlinsky, and later members of the “Gaidar team” (when they were not yet in the government).
Thus, by August 1991, the highest echelons of power in the USSR, as an analysis of relations with the West shows, for the most part had pro-Western sentiments and financial support for the implementation of the goals set by the masters of the West, which did not meet the interests of the country's population.
Causes of the coup: judgments and opinions
The need to introduce a state of emergency due to the actual collapse of life support systems, a catastrophic shortage of energy resources and the refusal of agricultural enterprises and local authorities to ensure the implementation of the plan for the state supply of food to state reserves, judging by many reports, was repeatedly discussed in the circle of Gorbachev and the authorities subordinate to him. In Lukyanov’s interview with a group of deputies of the USSR Supreme Council, given by him on the second day of the coup, it is said that Gorbachev intended to introduce a state of emergency after the signing of the Union Treaty, on the basis of the “9+1” agreement.
However, the signing of the Union Treaty automatically removed the leaders of the State Emergency Committee from power and, in the opinion of the now former leaders of the basic sectors of the national economy, made it impossible to stabilize the economy and maintain life support systems in working order in view of the upcoming winter.
The signing of the Union Treaty would intensify the collapse of the unified financial system and the economic space of the USSR as a whole, and would eliminate the activities of defense enterprises with long technological chains.
Of the events that undoubtedly stimulated the attempt of the August putsch and the preservation of the USSR as a single power, recreated by the people after the war under the leadership of Joseph Stalin, the following should be noted:
- Russia's nationalization of the oil and gas industry and the increase in domestic prices for oil and petroleum products promised by Yeltsin in Tyumen, which, according to Pavlov, would blow up the entire economy of the country.
- The proposed introduction of national currencies in some republics.
- Nationalization of the gold mining industry by Yakutia and Kazakhstan.
- Failure to fulfill plans for state deliveries of grain from the new harvest and closure economic spaces grain-producing union republics.
- A 50% reduction in defense orders and the impending paralysis of the defense industry, the social consequences of a thoughtless conversion of defense industries.
- Avalanche-like commercialization of relations between managers of large enterprises and sub-sectors of the national economy, leading to the loss of planned components of their management.
- The phenomenon of personal financial independence of heads of enterprises of organizations and the resulting loss of the last levers of managing them.
- Yeltsin's decree on departition, eliminating the apparatus of the CPSU from the sphere of making any decisions on managing the economy and social life.
- The need to introduce a state of emergency continues after the failure of the coup. It is likely that it will be introduced, but in different forms and with different leaders.
- Creation of republican security systems, including paramilitary formations and national guards, the beginning of the transition of the republican KGB to the jurisdiction of the republics.
How Gorbachev orchestrated the 1991 August Putsch
During his reign, Gorbachev, step by step, drove a wedge into the state apparatus of power, destroying it to its very foundation. However, it was already clear to him that the plan was a success, and there was very little left before its final implementation.
Former member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, Yuri Prokofiev, later recalled how, back in March 1991, Gorbachev gathered the country’s key leaders and discussed the current situation with them. The situation was difficult:
When the meeting was held with Yazov, a pressing question arose: Gorbachev can conduct business according to the “back and forth” principle, then stop. What to do in this case? Someone said that then Yanaev would have to take the leadership of the country into his own hands. He protested: he was neither physically nor intellectually ready to serve as president; this option was unacceptable.
Pugo and Yazov stated that they agreed to introduce a state of emergency only subject to a constitutional solution to the issue, that is, with the consent of the president and by decision of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. Otherwise, they will not participate in introducing a state of emergency.
Gorbachev knew that the meetings were taking place. For example, when we visited Yazov, he was returning from Japan and called Kryuchkov from the plane. In a conversation with Gorbachev, he said that, fulfilling his instructions, we are now sitting and conferring. So Gorbachev was the initiator of the development of documents on the introduction of a state of emergency in the country, and, in essence, almost the entire composition of the State Emergency Committee was formed by him,
Prokofiev notes.
Marshal Dmitry Yazov himself emphasizes in one of his interviews:
In fact, there was no one to conclude an agreement with in August 1991, but “the process began,” and the state was collapsing literally before our eyes. That’s when the government, headed by Valentin Pavlov, assembled. It happened in one of the KGB secret buildings, near Kryuchkov. The State Emergency Committee was not a question at all at that time. We simply discussed the current situation in the country and decided: in order to fulfill the will of the people and preserve the Soviet Union, it is necessary to introduce a state of emergency. Now there is a lot of speculation on this matter. But the fact remains: leaving on August 3rd for a vacation in Foros, Gorbachev gathered the government and strictly warned that it was necessary to monitor the situation and, if anything happened, introduce a state of emergency,
Yazov notes.
The final document was soon adopted. Based on the prepared materials, President Gorbachev issued a decree on the procedure for introducing a state of emergency in certain regions and sectors of the country's national economy. This decree was published in May and passed almost unnoticed.
The only thing I remember back then was that Gorbachev called and, chuckling, said: “I agreed on a decree with Yeltsin. He agreed and made only one amendment: the decree was introduced only for a year. And we don’t need more than one year”...
Yuri Prokofiev remembers.
On May 24, 1991, changes were adopted to the constitution of the RSFSR on the names of the Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republics (ASSR) - the word “autonomous” was removed from them and they began to be called as Soviet Socialist Republics (SSR) within the RSFSR, which contradicted Article 85 of the USSR Constitution.
And on July 3, 1991, changes were made to the Constitution of the RSFSR to change the status of the Autonomous Regions to the Soviet Socialist Republics within the RSFSR (except for the Jewish Autonomous Region), which also contradicted Article 87 of the USSR Constitution.
The political elite, shaken by the social depression that gripped the country, were preparing for the creation of a new Union of Soviet Sovereign Republics (USSR). However, this option did not suit Gorbachev’s curators - during the formation of a renewed USSR, it would be too easy to remove him from power and return the system to the previous order. Then the Western plan did not work.
Gorbachev went all-in and organized another most cynical political provocation - the “August Putsch.” Almost all direct participants in those events have now admitted that the Secretary General himself was the beneficiary of the Putsch. The August Putsch was directed by Gorbachev.
Writer and historian Nikolai Starikov in his publication “There Was No Putsch” directly talks about back side this bloody event, started at the instigation of Mikhail Gorbachev and his foreign counterparts:
It was a crude and cynical deception. There was betrayal. There was a cold-blooded desire for blood to be shed. A lot happened in those August days of 1991. But it was not the State Emergency Committee that did all this. Only there was no putsch. When the Emergency Committee began to carry out the actions agreed upon and assigned to them, Yeltsin declared them traitors and putschists. And after him, the whole world repeated it.
What about Gorbachev? But he simply didn’t pick up the phone in Foros. The stories about “blocking” Gorbachev at his dacha in Foros by “putschists” are complete nonsense. In the August days of 1991, one of the St. Petersburg journalists... got through to the dacha of the Secretary General on regular phone. Gorbachev betrayed his subordinates. He deceived them. And together with the “putschists” who were confused precisely for this reason, he betrayed and deceived his people,
Researcher notes.
Here is a comment from General Varennikov, one of the members of the State Emergency Committee:
There were young people on both sides of the barricades. They pushed her into provocation: to set up an ambush one and a half kilometers from the White House, on the Garden Ring. American and other film and television reporters were placed there in advance so that they would film an episode that no one knew about, neither the police nor, of course, the troops who were on patrol and were ambushed.
Crowds of people quickly formed on the streets of Moscow, incited by provocateurs. Clashes between people and armored vehicles, “highlighted” by television cameras of Western channels and flashes of foreign photographers, showed how well-orchestrated the August scenario was.
There was no Putsch not only in 1991. What happened in August 1991 repeated the events of the summer of 1917:
Then Kerensky (the head of Russia at that time) ordered his subordinate, the commander in chief, General Kornilov, to send troops into Petrograd and restore order. When Lavr Kornilov began to carry out his plans, Kerensky himself declared him a traitor and arrested him along with a group of senior officers. Accused of an attempt to seize power, which in fact never existed even in the thoughts of too honest Russian generals. After which Kerensky released the Bolsheviks from prison and distributed weapons to those who in two months would overthrow him, Kerensky, the “Provisional Government,” the researcher emphasizes. - The scenarios of August 1991 and 1917 are striking in their similarity. An order to restore order. They are declared traitors for this. Confusion of the military. Their defeat is inevitable - after all, they were not prepared to fight. They were only preparing to carry out orders. And then - the defeat of the country. Decay. Civil War.
And in 1991 we can say that on “ curfew“All activities of the State Emergency Committee ended. It was already clear that the “putschists” gave their honor to the future “Tsar Boris”. It all ended on August 21 with a false curfew: the troops stood quietly, did not touch anyone, waiting for some orders from the “putschists.” It was as if they had scared themselves. This was their last day. As one would expect, the crowd got excited and attacked the troops themselves, who did not know what to do. The blood of the “defenders of democracy,” who were not attacked, was shed, after which the State Emergency Committee was doomed to become a “putsch.” Both for the brethren from television and for the crowd, the fifth day finally came - August 22, when the head of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs was “demolished,” in which Gorbachev’s accomplices formed special police units - OMON.
Someone gave the head of the riot police a “chick” - the last Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR - Boris Karlovich Pugo - his head was blown off. If you believe official version, then he shot himself, although everyone on television was shown a gun that was lying on the nightstand, where he allegedly put it himself after he shot himself.
According to the official version, Pugo shot his wife before shooting himself in the temple. At his request, the pistol was brought in the morning by his son Vadim, a KGB officer who had left for work before the tragedy. Economist Grigory Yavlinsky, who came to arrest the head of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs in the company of the Chairman of the KGB of the RSFSR Viktor Ivanenko, Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs of the RSFSR Viktor Erin and Deputy Prosecutor General of the RSFSR Yevgeny Lisov, described what he saw.
According to the future Yabloko member:
Pugo's wife was wounded and bleeding. The face is marred with blood. It was impossible to figure out whether it was a knife wound or a gunshot wound. She was sitting on the floor on one side of the double bed, and on the other side of the bed lay Pugo in a workout suit. His head fell back on the pillow and he breathed. But appearance he had it like a dead man. The wife looked insane. All her movements were absolutely uncoordinated, her speech was incoherent. ...I’m not a professional and didn’t think about the circumstances then. Before me lay a state criminal. And only after Ivanenko and I left, my memory highlighted two circumstances that I cannot explain.
First. The gun lay neatly on the nightstand behind Pugo's head. Even Yavlinsky, a purely civilian man, found it difficult to imagine how a man, having shot himself in the temple, could put it there. And then lie down on the bed and stretch out. If the head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs first lay down on the bed and then shot, it would simply be impossible for him to reach the bedside table, put the gun on it and take the position in which he was found.
The investigation put forward the version that the wife was the last to shoot. She allegedly put the gun on the nightstand. But here's the strange thing: investigators found three spent cartridges!
It should be noted that the “putsch” scenario largely repeated the events of the summer of 1953, when the Minister of Internal Affairs Lavrentiy Pavlovich Beria was eliminated (we wrote a series of articles about this, and tanks were brought into Moscow, after which the country’s course was sharply changed.
The August crisis led to the destruction of governance institutions, the core of which were the CPSU and the KGB. As a result, Russia was struck by a deep crisis of governance, from which the country could not recover for many years. Having interrupted the evolutionary nature of political development, the August putsch contributed to increased polarization of political forces, which ultimately resulted in the bloody drama of October 1993.
According to Doctor of Historical Sciences Mikhail Geller, everything was completed back in August. Witnesses and participants in the events did not yet know that the history of the USSR had ended.
In September 1991, Gorbachev’s book “The Putsch” was published, hastily compiled by his American assistants. In it, the author states that:
The Soviet Union remains and will remain a great power, without which world problems cannot be solved.
According to Geller, the “Putsch” was nothing more than a well-executed performance staged before the whole world.
This is explained by the fact that the main roles in the “Putsch” were played by people, each of whom was carefully chosen and placed in their place by Gorbachev himself. These were his closest associates. The “August Putsch,” although Gorbachev presents it as a betrayal of loved ones, was of a different nature. Until the last minute, the “conspirators” convinced Gorbachev to head the Committee and begin to act decisively to restore order in the country,
Researcher notes.
According to Geller, on August 18, a delegation from the future “putschists” flew to Foros to ask the president to declare a state of emergency. After their arrest, the “putschists” claimed that Gorbachev knew about their intentions and left for Foros with parting words: do as you want.
This should probably be understood: if it succeeds, I will be with you; if it fails, you answer.
Marshal Dmitry Yazov speaks about this in his memoirs:
Its inconsistency was convincingly demonstrated by General Valentin Ivanovich Varennikov. During the trial, he directly asked Gorbachev: “When we left Foros on August 18, were you still president or not?” Gorbachev twisted and turned, but in the end he said: “Yes, I thought that I remained president.” - “So, that means we didn’t seize power from you?” "They didn't capture..."
And it’s hard to call a situation a coup that leaves the entire structure in place state power, the cabinet of ministers in in full force, the entire party hierarchy. Only the head of state was absent. But negotiations were constantly underway with Gorbachev, with him or his supporters, who remained in their offices next to the “conspirators.”
On February 1, 2006, in an interview with the Rossiya TV channel, Boris Yeltsin stated that Gorbachev’s participation in the State Emergency Committee was documented.
Purpose of the Emergency Committee
The main goal of the putschists was to prevent the liquidation of the USSR, which, in their opinion, should have begun on August 20 during the first stage of signing a new union treaty, turning the USSR into a confederation - Union Sovereign States. On August 20, the agreement was to be signed by representatives of the RSFSR and the Kazakh SSR, and the remaining future components of the commonwealth during five meetings, until October 22.
On the 20th, we did not allow the signing of a union treaty; we disrupted the signing of this union treaty.
G. I. Yanaev, interview with radio station “Echo of Moscow”
One of the first statements of the State Emergency Committee, disseminated by Soviet radio stations and central television, indicated the following goals, for the implementation of which a state of emergency was introduced in the country:
In order to overcome the deep and comprehensive crisis, political, interethnic and civil confrontation, chaos and anarchy that threaten the life and safety of citizens of the Soviet Union, the sovereignty, territorial integrity, freedom and independence of our Fatherland; based on the results of the national referendum on the preservation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics; guided by the vital interests of the peoples of our Motherland, all Soviet people.
In 2006, the former chairman of the USSR KGB, Vladimir Kryuchkov, stated that the State Emergency Committee did not aim to seize power:
We opposed the signing of a treaty that would destroy the Union. I feel like I was right. I regret that measures were not taken to strictly isolate the President of the USSR, questions were not raised before the Supreme Council about the abdication of the head of state from his post.
Opponents of the State Emergency Committee
The resistance to the State Emergency Committee was led by the political leadership of the Russian Federation (President B.N. Yeltsin, Vice-President A.V. Rutskoi, Chairman of the Government I.S. Silaev, Acting Chairman of the Supreme Council R.I. Khasbulatov).
In an address to Russian citizens on August 19, Boris Yeltsin, characterizing the actions of the State Emergency Committee as a coup d’etat, said:
We believe that such forceful methods are unacceptable. They discredit the USSR before the whole world, undermine our prestige in the world community, and return us to the era of the Cold War and isolation of the Soviet Union. All this forces us to declare the so-called committee (GKChP) that came to power illegal. Accordingly, we declare all decisions and orders of this committee illegal.
Khasbulatov was on Yeltsin’s side, although 10 years later in an interview with Radio Liberty he said that, like the State Emergency Committee, he was dissatisfied with the draft of the new Union Treaty:
As for the content of the new Union Treaty, in addition to Afanasyev and someone else, I myself was terribly dissatisfied with this content. Yeltsin and I argued a lot - should we go to a meeting on August 20? And finally, I convinced Yeltsin by saying that if we didn’t even go there, if we didn’t form a delegation, it would be perceived as our desire to destroy the Union. There was, after all, a referendum in March on the unity of the Union. Sixty-three percent, I think, or 61 percent of the population were in favor of preserving the Union. I say: “You and I have no right...”. That’s why I say: “Let’s go, form a delegation, and then we will motivate our comments on the future Union Treaty.”
On the role of non-political communities in those Three Days
Independent research centers, civil associations, charities suddenly they closed into a network - what the Americans call the word network - and messages, help, and resources necessary to counter the tanks moved through this network.
This is what the director wrote on August 30, 1991 Information agency POSTFACTUM Gleb Pavlovsky:
Among these cells of civil society, I cannot help but note those closest to us: the editorial offices of the magazine “The 20th Century and the World” and the weekly magazine “Kommersant”, the Center for Political and Legal Research, the Memorial Society, the Institute for Humanitarian and Political Research and, of course, the publishing house “ Progress". At the same time, the true role and scope of the long-term programs of the Soviet-American Cultural Initiative Foundation (known to most as the Soros Foundation) was revealed, especially the Civil Society program - the groups it supported were active participants in the Three Days resistance. The days of confrontation united us in a common effort, the result of which - freedom - is more and more uncertain every day. Freedom as a state is like information: it is open, it is doubtful and dangerous. But this is the risk we actually wanted.
Western reaction
As a result of the anti-Russian coup d'etat in August-December 1991, the plans of the world behind the scenes were achieved. However, institutions for training and instructing agents of influence are not only not dismantled, but are also turning into an important part of the power structure of the Yeltsin regime, developing for him a kind of directive programs of activity and supplying him with advisers.
A legal public center of this structure called the “Russian House” was opened in the USA, headed by influence agent E. Lozansky, although, of course, all important decisions were made within the walls of the CIA and the leadership of the world behind the scenes.
Confident of final victory, Yeltsin no longer hid his direct connection with subversive anti-Russian organizations such as the American National Investment in Democracy, to whose leaders he sent a message, which, in particular, said:
We know and appreciate the fact that you contributed to this victory (fax dated August 23, 1991).
The world behind the scenes rejoiced, each of its representatives in their own way, but they all noted the key role of the CIA. US President Bush immediately after the August 1991 coup, with full knowledge of the matter and as a former director of the CIA, publicly stated that the rise to power of the Yeltsin regime:
Our victory is a victory for the CIA.
Then-CIA Director R. Gates held his own “victory parade” in front of BBC cameras in Moscow's Red Square, declaring:
Here, on Red Square, near the Kremlin and the Mausoleum, I perform my solo victory parade.
Quite naturally, a relationship between master and vassal is established between the CIA and representatives of the Yeltsin regime. For example, in October 1992, R. Gates met with Yeltsin in complete secrecy. Moreover, the latter is not even given the opportunity to use the services of his own translator, who is turned out the door, and the entire translation is carried out by the translator of the CIA director.
Maltese brothers
The world behind the scenes rewards Yeltsin with the title, which is worn by almost every member of the world Masonic public organization- Knight Commander of the Order of Malta. He receives it on November 16, 1991. No longer embarrassed, Yeltsin poses for reporters in full garb of a knight commander.
In August 1992, Yeltsin signed Decree No. 827 “On the restoration of official relations with the Order of Malta.” The contents of this decree were kept completely secret for some time. The Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs was ordered to sign a protocol on the restoration of official relations between Russian Federation and the Order of Malta.
Conclusion
Calling the State Emergency Committee a “putsch” or a “coup” is not entirely correct, since it was not intended to break the state system, but on the contrary, measures were proposed to protect the system that exists. This was an “attempt” by a number of senior officials of the state to save the Union from collapse.
On Gorbachev’s part, this was actually a “top action”; the local communists did not receive any instructions about their actions. And this action was carried out to instill fear in society, disperse the CPSU and destroy the Union. The putschists found themselves in the role of “framed up”. They were arrested for the sake of order. But after a while they gave me amnesty.
Attempts by M.S. Gorbachev's plans to take control of the country again encountered resistance from the leaders of the republics. Through the efforts of the putschists, the central government was compromised. In Moscow, the President of the RSFSR B.N. felt like a master. Yeltsin.
The highest body of state power - the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR - on September 5, 1991 announced its self-dissolution and the transfer of power to the State Council composed of the leaders of the republics. M.S. Gorbachev as head single state became redundant.
December 8, 1991 at Belovezhskaya Pushcha near Minsk, the leaders of Russia (B.N. Yeltsin), Ukraine (L.M. Kravchuk) and Belarus (S.S. Shushkevich) announced the denunciation of the Union Treaty of 1922, the end of the existence of the USSR and the creation of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). The great power ceased to exist. The location of Belaya Vezha was chosen as if not by chance, since it was here on July 3, 964 that the Great Forgotten Victory over the Khazar Kaganate was won.
Historical retreat
Svyatoslav not only crushed the Khazar Khaganate, the top of which adopted Judaism, but also tried to secure the conquered territories for himself. In place of Sarkel, the Russian settlement of Belaya Vezha appears, Tmutarakan comes under the rule of Kyiv, there is information that Russian troops were in Itil and Semender until the 990s. The Khazar Khaganate was the first state to be faced Ancient Rus'. The fate of not only the Eastern European tribes, but also many tribes and peoples of Europe and Asia depended on the outcome of the struggle between these two states.
As many researchers note, the crushing of Khazaria, whose leaders professed Judaism and supported it among the subject and surrounding peoples through the dissemination of the same biblical doctrine that was beneficial to their worldview (about it), meant crushing the shackles of the most severe oppression - spiritual, which could destroy the foundations of a bright , the original spiritual life of the Slavs and other peoples of Eastern Europe.
The Khazar kingdom disappeared like smoke immediately after the elimination of the main condition for its existence: military superiority over its neighbors and those economic benefits, which were provided by the possession of the most important trade routes between Asia and Europe. Since there were no other grounds for its existence, under the blows of the stronger Russian state it crumbled into its component parts, which later dissolved in the Polovtsian Sea,
The historian M.I. Artamonov concludes.
Therefore, it is especially symbolic that in Belaya Vezha, as if in revenge for that Great Victory 964 years ago, agreements shameful for our country were signed.
December 25, 1991 M.S. Gorbachev resigned as President of the USSR, which meant the end of “Perestroika”.
As a result of the collapse of the USSR - financial and economic scams of the 90s.
J. Soros was the perpetrator of almost all the largest financial and economic scams committed in Russia in the first half of the 90s.
It was he who stood behind Chubais, Gaidar, Burbulis and a number of other newly-minted Russian functionaries during the so-called privatization, as a result of which the overwhelming majority of the property belonging to the Russian people passed into the hands of international financial swindlers.
According to the Chairman of the State Property Committee V.P. Polevanov:
500 largest privatized enterprises in Russia with a real value of at least 200 billion dollars. were sold for next to nothing (about 7.2 billion US dollars) and ended up in the hands of foreign companies and their front structures.
In the mid-90s, the Soros Foundation carried out a number of operations to undermine the Russian economy. According to the Wall Street Journal (1994.10.11.), American financial experts believe that the collapse of the ruble in Russia on the so-called Black Tuesday on October 11, 1994 was the result of the activities of a group of funds headed by Soros. Attention is drawn to the fact that by the beginning of the summer of 1994, the Soros Foundation acquired shares of Russian enterprises worth $10 million. At the end of August - beginning of September, Soros, waiting for the stock price to rise, sold them. According to experts, he made a profit equivalent to $400 million from this operation. At the end of September, the Soros Foundation began purchasing dollars for rubles, which, according to American experts, caused a rapid rise in the exchange rate of the US dollar and a rapid fall in the ruble, the collapse of the financial system and the rapid ruin of many Russian enterprises.
“FAVORITES” OF THE WORLD BACKSTAGE
Opinions of event participants
In 2008, Mikhail Gorbachev commented on the situation in August 1991 as follows:
I now regret that I should not have left. Error, yes, I already said that. Just as it was a mistake that I did not send Yeltsin forever somewhere in the country to procure banana products. After known processes. When the plenum demanded - expulsion from the members of the Central Committee. Some of the party demanded to be expelled for what he had started.
Member of the State Emergency Committee, Marshal Dmitry Yazov in 2001 spoke about the impossibility of managing public opinion in 1991:
I would not call the events of 1991 a putsch for the reason that there was no putsch. There was a desire by a certain group of people, the leadership of a certain former Soviet Union, aimed at preserving the Soviet Union as a state by any means. There it was the main objective these people. None of them pursued any selfish goals, no one shared portfolios of power. One goal is to preserve the Soviet Union. .
conclusions
It should be noted that all participants in the events are from the same managerial “elite”, which had the abbreviation of the Central Committee of the CPSU, which many reveal as the Central Committee of the Capitulatory Party of Self-Liquidation of Socialism. Perhaps, if not they themselves, then their “puppeteers” simply agreed who would rule in the new conditions, and who, after a short stay in prison, should go to a well-deserved rest, having previously secured for themselves the aura of “sufferers for the people’s happiness”, and the “puppeteers” - the possibility of a legitimate return to the “socialist” policy scenario in the future.
After all, if after Yeltsin’s victory the lawyers substantiated the illegality of the State Emergency Committee, then, if necessary, another team of lawyers will no less strictly justify the fact of high treason by Gorbachev and his associates and, accordingly, the competence and legality of the State Emergency Committee, whose fault in this case will only be that they have not achieved success and such figures and scenarios are already being tried to promote.
And if you remember about conceptual power and the fact that any legislation is a line of defense on which one concept protects itself from the implementation in the same society of another concept that is fundamentally incompatible with it. In a conceptually undefined society, such as the USSR was in the last years of its existence, mutually exclusive concepts were expressed in the same legislation. That is why, on its basis, having been conceptually defined, it is possible to legally flawlessly substantiate an indictment against Gorbachev, and against the State Emergency Committee, and against Yeltsin and the team of reformers of the “Gaidar-Chernomyrdin” era.
The August “putsch” was one of those events that marked the end of the power of the CPSU and the collapse of the USSR and, according to the widespread opinion of liberals, gave impetus to democratic changes in Russia.
On the other hand, supporters of preserving the Soviet Union argue that the country began to be in chaos due to the inconsistent policies of the then government.
August putsch- political events that took place in August 1991, characterized by the country's leadership as an illegal seizure of power and a coup d'etat, as a result of which the process of the collapse of the USSR began.
The August putsch took place from August 19 to August 21, 1991 in Moscow and became the main event in a series of various clashes that ultimately led to the overthrow of the current government and the collapse of the USSR. As a result of the coup, the State Committee for the State of Emergency (GKChP), a new self-proclaimed state body, which included some officials from the top management of the USSR, wanted to come to power, but this never happened.
The main reason for the putsch was dissatisfaction with the policy of perestroika pursued by M.S. Gorbachev.
Reasons for the August coup
After an era of stagnation, the USSR economy was not in the best position, the country was in crisis and it was necessary to urgently begin reorganization. M.S., who was in power Gorbachev made several attempts to normalize the situation, carrying out a wide variety of reforms - this period was called “perestroika”. Despite the fact that the reforms carried out by Gorbachev were received quite well, they did not bring the desired result - the crisis intensified, the social sphere was falling apart, drunkenness and unemployment were growing.
As a result, reforms that did not bring relief led to an acute crisis of confidence in Gorbachev, both on the part of his opponents and on the part of his former comrade-in-arms. Gorbachev was considered a bad leader who was unable to save a country that was literally drowning in crisis and urgently needed a new economy. A struggle for power began in the highest party apparatus, and there were many supporters of Gorbachev’s overthrow.
One of the last straws was Gorbachev’s desire to transform the USSR into the Union of Sovereign States, which was a commonwealth of already independent states, which did not suit many conservative politicians.
August putsch. Chronology of events
The putsch began on August 19 and lasted only three days, during which it was possible to completely change the system of government of the country. On the first day, the leaders of the coup d'etat announced pre-drafted documents on the creation of a new governing body of the country. First of all, a decree signed by the Vice-President of the USSR G. Yanaev was read out stating that the current leader of the country, Mikhail Gorbachev, can no longer perform his duties due to serious health conditions, so Yanaev himself takes his place and proclaims himself “Acting President of the USSR "
Then the “Statement of the Soviet Leadership” was read, which spoke of the creation of the State Committee for the State of Emergency, which included: O.D. Baklanov - First Deputy Chairman of the USSR Defense Council; V.A. Kryuchkov - Chairman of the KGB of the USSR; V.S. Pavlov - Prime Minister of the USSR; B.K. Pugo - Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR; A.I. Tizyakov is the President of the Association of State Enterprises and Industrial, Construction, Transport and Communications Facilities of the USSR.
After the document on the creation of the State Emergency Committee was read out, members of the new government addressed citizens with a statement that perestroika and the reforms initiated by Gorbachev had suffered a complete collapse, so it was urgently necessary to change the situation in the country. On the same day, the first resolution of the State Emergency Committee was issued, which stated that a ban had been placed on the activities of any organizations and government structures that were not legalized in accordance with the Constitution of the USSR. The activities of many political parties, movements, and associations that were in opposition to the CPSU were suspended, many newspapers were closed, and censorship was restored. The new order had to be supported by security forces.
On August 19, the State Emergency Committee decided to send troops into the territory of Moscow in order to maintain order. The leader of the resistance to the putschists was the President of the RSFSR B.N. Yeltsin, who addressed the citizens of Russia and issued a decree according to which all executive authorities were to become subordinate to the President of Russia (RSFRS). This made it possible to immediately organize defense in the White House.
On August 20, the confrontation between the Russian authorities and the Emergency Committee was resolved - Yeltsin and his government were able to turn the tide of the coup and take control of events.
On August 21, all members of the State Emergency Committee were arrested, and Gorbachev returned to Moscow. He was immediately presented with a series of ultimatums. As a result, Gorbachev was forced to agree to almost everything - the CPSU, the Union Cabinet of Ministers and other party structures were dissolved, and Gorbachev himself refused the post of Chairman of the CPSU Central Committee. The systematic disintegration of all old government structures began.
Results and significance of the August putsch
The August putsch launched the mechanism for the collapse of the Soviet Union, which had previously been in a deep economic and political crisis. Despite the fact that the members of the State Emergency Committee did not want to allow the collapse of the country, they themselves largely provoked it. After Gorbachev left, the ruling structure of the party collapsed, and the republics gradually began to gain independence and secede. The Soviet Union ceased to exist and gave way to the Russian Federation.