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Political parties in Russia at the end of the 19th century. Political parties in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century

In connection with the revolutionary events of 1905, about fifty political parties were formed in Russia - both small-town and large, with a network of cells throughout the country. They can be classified into three directions - radical revolutionary democratic, liberal opposition and monarchical conservative parties of Russia. The latter will mainly be discussed in this article.

Batch creation process

Historically, the formation of various political parties occurs with precise systematicity. Opposition left parties are the first to be formed. During the revolution of 1905, that is, a little after the signing of the October Manifesto, numerous centrist parties were formed, uniting, for the most part, the intelligentsia.

And finally, as a reaction to the Manifesto, the right appeared - the monarchical and conservative parties of Russia. Interesting fact: all these parties disappeared from the historical stage in reverse order: the right was swept away by the February Revolution, then the October Revolution abolished the centrists. Moreover, most of the left parties united with the Bolsheviks or dissolved themselves in the 20s, when show trials of their leaders began.

List and leaders

The Conservative Party - not a single one - was destined to survive 1917. They were all born at different times, and died almost simultaneously. The conservative party "Russian Assembly" existed longer than all the others, because it was created earlier - in 1900. It will be discussed in more detail below.

Conservative Russian People" was founded in 1905, the leaders were Dubrovin and from 1912 - Markov. The "Union of Russian People" existed from 1905 to 1911, then until 1917 purely formally. V. A. Gringmut in the same 1905 founded the Russian which later became "Russian Monarchical Union".

High-born aristocrats also had their own conservative party - the “United Nobility”, created in 1906. The famous Russian People's Union of the Archangel was led by V. M. Purishkevich. The national conservative party "All-Russian National Union" disappeared already in 1912, it was led by Balashov and Shulgin.

The moderate right party ceased to exist in 1910. The “All-Russian Dubrovinsky Union of the Russian People” managed to form only in 1912. Even later, the conservative party “Fatherland Patriotic Union” was created by leaders Orlov and Skvortsov in 1915. A.I. Guchkov assembled his “Union of the Seventeenth of October” in 1906 (the same Octobrists). Here are approximately all the main conservative parties in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century.

"Russian meeting"

St. Petersburg became the birthplace of the RS - "Russian Assembly" in November 1900. The poet V. L. Velichko in a narrow circle complained that he was constantly haunted by vague, but clearly prophetic visions of Russia being captured by some dark forces. He proposed creating a kind of commonwealth of Russian people, ready to withstand future adversity. This is how the RS party began - beautifully and patriotically. Already in January 1901, the RS charter was ready and the leadership was elected. As historian A.D. Stepanov put it at the first meeting, the Black Hundred movement was born.

So far, this did not sound as threatening as, say, eighteen or twenty years later. The charter was approved by Senator Durnovo and sealed with warm words full of bright hope. Initially, the RS meetings were similar to a Slavophile literary and artistic club.

Intellectuals, officials, clergy and landowners gathered there. Cultural and educational goals were put at the forefront. However, after the revolution of 1905, thanks to its activities, the RS ceased to be like other conservative parties in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. It became clearly right-wing monarchist.

Activity

At first, the RS organized discussions of reports and organized theme nights. Meetings took place on Fridays and were devoted to political and social issues. “Literary Mondays” were also popular. All “Fridays” were first handled by V.V. Komarov, but they became popular and influential in the fall of 1902, when V.L. Velichko became their leader.

Since 1901, in addition to “Mondays” and “Fridays,” separate meetings began (here it should be noted the activity of the Outskirts Department, chaired by Professor A. M. Zolotarev, later this department became an independent organization of the “Russian Outskirts Society”). Since 1903, under the leadership of N. A. Engelhardt, “literary Tuesdays” became increasingly popular.

Already in 1901, the “Russian Assembly” numbered more than a thousand people, and in 1902 - six hundred more. Political activity boiled down to the fact that, starting from 1904, petitions and loyal subjects were periodically submitted to the tsar, deputations were organized to the palace and propaganda was carried out in the periodical press.

Deputations at various times were graced by the presence of Princes Golitsyn and Volkonsky, Count Apraksin, Archpriest Bogolyubov, and no less famous people- Engelhardt, Zolotarev, Mordvinov, Leontyev, Puryshev, Bulatov, Nikolsky. The Emperor received the RS delegations with enthusiasm. Nicholas II, one might say, loved and trusted conservative political parties.

MS and revolutionary turmoil

In 1905 and 1906, the “Russian Assembly” did nothing special, and nothing happened to it, except for the post-revolutionary circular, which prohibited military personnel from being members of any political communities tsarist army. Then the liberal and conservative parties lost many of their members, and its founder, A. M. Zolotarev, left the RS.

In February 1906, the RS organized an all-Russian congress in St. Petersburg. In fact, the Russian Assembly became a party only in 1907, when the program of the Conservative Party was adopted and amendments were made to the charter. Now the RS could elect and be elected to the State Duma and the State Council.

The basis of the program was the motto: “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality.” The Russian Assembly did not miss a single monarchist congress. However, it took a long time to create an independent political faction. The first and second Dumas did not give the RS a chance, so the party decided not to nominate candidates, on the contrary, to vote for the extreme left (such a trick against the Octobrists and Cadets). The political position at the Third and Fourth Dumas clearly did not recommend that its deputies bloc with centrists (Octobrists) and even with moderate right-wing nationalist parties.

Schisms

Until the end of 1908, passions raged in the monarchist camp, which resulted in splits in many organizations. For example, the conflict between Purishkevich and Dubrovin split the “Union of the Russian People”, after which the “Union of Archangel Michael” appeared. Opinions in the RS were also divided. The party was haunted by quarrels, departures and deaths, but especially by bureaucratic carrion.

By 1914, the leaders of the RS decided to completely depoliticize the party, seeing educational and cultural orientation as the right path to resolving conflicts. However, the war deepened all the fault lines in relations, since the Markovites were for the immediate conclusion of peace with Germany, and Purishkevich’s supporters, on the contrary, they needed a war to a victorious end. As a result, to February Revolution The “Russian Assembly” has outlived its usefulness and turned into a small circle of Slavophile tendencies.

NRC

The Union of the Russian People is another organization representing conservative parties. The table demonstrates how high passionarity was at the beginning of the twentieth century - all kinds of societies and communities multiplied like mushrooms in the autumn rain. The RNC party began to operate in 1905. Its program and activities were entirely based on chauvinistic and even more anti-Semitic ideas of a monarchical kind.

Orthodox radicalism especially distinguished the views of its members. The RNC was actively opposed to any kind of revolution and parliamentarism, advocated for the indivisibility and unity of Russia and advocated joint actions of the authorities and the people, who would be an advisory body under the sovereign. This organization, naturally, was banned immediately after the end of the February Revolution, and recently, in 2005, they tried to recreate it.

Historical background

Russian nationalism has never been alone in the world. The nineteenth century was marked by nationalist movements everywhere. In Russia, active political activity could only appear during a state crisis, after the defeat in the war with the Japanese and a cascade of revolutions. Only then did the king decide to support the initiative of right-wing social groups.

First, the above-mentioned elite organization “Russian Assembly” appeared, which had nothing in common with the people, and its activities did not find sufficient response among the intelligentsia. Naturally, such an organization could not resist the revolution. Just like other political parties - liberal, conservative. The people no longer needed right-wing, but left-wing, revolutionary organizations.

The “Union of Russian People” united in its ranks only the highest nobility, idealized the pre-Petrine era and recognized only the peasantry, merchants and nobility; it did not recognize the cosmopolitan intelligentsia either as a class or as a stratum. The course of the government was criticized by the SRL for the measures it took international loans, believing that in this way the authorities are ruining the Russian people.

RNC and terror

The “Union of the Russian People” was created - the largest of the monarchical unions - on the initiative of several people at the same time: the doctor Dubrovin, the abbot Arseny and the artist Maikov. Alexander Dubrovin, a member of the Russian Assembly, became the leader. He turned out to be a good organizer, politically sensitive and energetic person. He easily came into contact with the government and administration and convinced many that only mass patriotism could save current order that a society is needed that will carry out both mass actions and individual terror.

Conservative parties of the 20th century begin to engage in terror - this was something new. Nevertheless, the movement received support of all kinds: police, political and financial. The Tsar blessed the RNC with all his heart in the hope that even terror is better than the inactivity demonstrated by other conservative parties in Russia.

In December 1905, a mass meeting was organized in the Mikhailovsky Manege of the RNC, where about twenty thousand people gathered. Prominent people spoke - famous monarchists, bishops. The people demonstrated unity and enthusiasm. The "Russian Banner" newspaper was published by the "Union of the Russian People". The Tsar received deputations, listened to reports and accepted gifts from the leaders of the Union. For example, decals members of the RNC, which both the Tsar and the Tsarevich wore from time to time.

Meanwhile, the RNC's calls of absolutely pogrom and anti-Semitic content were replicated among the people using millions of rubles received from the treasury. This organization grew at a tremendous pace, regional sections were opened in almost all major cities empire, in a few months - more than sixty branches.

Congress, charter, program

In August 1906, the charter of the RNC was approved. It contained the main ideas of the party, its program of action and the concept of development. This document was rightfully considered the best among all the charters of monarchical societies, because it was short, clear and precise in wording. At the same time, a congress of leaders from all regions was convened to coordinate activities and centralize them.

The organization became paramilitary due to the new structure. All ordinary party members were divided into tens, tens into hundreds, and hundreds into thousands, respectively, subordinate to tens, centurions and thousands. The organization of such a plan was good for popularity among the people. The monarchist movement was particularly active in Kyiv, and a huge part of the RNC members lived in Little Russia.

The deeply revered John of Kronstadt - the All-Russian priest, as he was called - arrived at the St. Michael's Manege for the next celebration on the occasion of the consecration of the banner, as well as the banner of the RNC. He gave a welcoming speech and later joined the RNC himself, and until the very end he was an honorary member of this Union.

To prevent revolutions and maintain order, the RNC kept self-defense on alert, often armed. The "White Guard" from Odessa is a particularly well-known squad of this kind. The principle of formation of self-defense is a military Cossack with esauls, atamans and foremen. Such squads existed at all factories in Moscow and St. Petersburg.

Camber

By its fourth congress, the RNC was the first among Russian monarchist parties. It had over nine hundred branches, and the vast majority of the delegates were members of this Union. But then contradictions began among the leaders. Purishkevich tried to remove Dubrovin from business, and he soon succeeded. He pulled all the publishing and organizational work to himself; many leaders of local branches no longer listened to anyone except Purishkevich. This also affected many of the founders of the RNC.

And a conflict arose that went so far that the most powerful organization quickly came to naught. Purishkevich in 1908 created his own “Union named after Archangel Michael”, and the Moscow department left the RNC. The Tsar's Manifesto on October 17 finally split the RNC, since the attitude towards the creation of the Duma was completely different. Then there was a terrorist attack with the murder of a prominent State Duma deputy, in which Dubrovin’s supporters and himself were accused.

The St. Petersburg department of the RNC in 1909 simply removed Dubrovin from power, leaving him with honorary membership in the Union, and very quickly ousted his like-minded people from all posts. Until 1912, Dubrovin tried to fight for his place in the sun, but realized that nothing could be returned, and in August he registered the charter of the Dubrovin Union, after which they began to break away from the center one after another regional branches. All this did not add to the authority of the RNC organization, and it completely collapsed. Conservative parties (right) were sure that the government was afraid of the power of this Union, and Stolypin personally played a huge role in its collapse.

Prohibition

It got to the point that the RNC formed a single bloc with the Octobrists. Subsequently, attempts were made repeatedly to recreate a single monarchical organization, but no one achieved success. And the February Revolution banned monarchist parties, initiating lawsuits against the leaders. Then came the October Revolution and most of the leaders of the RNC faced death during these years. Those who remained were reconciled, having erased all past contradictions, by the White movement.

Soviet historians considered the RNC to be an absolutely fascist organization, which far predated their appearance in Italy. Even the RNC participants themselves wrote many years later that the “Union of the Russian People” became the historical predecessor of fascism (one of the leaders, Markov-2, wrote about this with pride). V. Laqueur is confident that the Black Hundreds have gone about halfway from the reactionary movements of the nineteenth century to the right-wing populist (that is, fascist) parties of the twentieth century.

Factors that influenced the emergence of political parties in Europe and Russia in the 20th century

Turning to the issue of considering the evolution of various political parties and movements in the 20th century, it is necessary to note the change in the social and civil climate, expressed in the influence of the media and the rise general level culture of society and its civic responsibility.

The main directions of political parties of the 20th century
Despite the differences in the positions and programs of political parties, global political commitment has been formed in several dominant directions:

1. Conservatism.
Conservative parties adhere to the position of bringing together the aristocratic and bourgeois stratum of the population, which is the embodiment of a political compromise between the top of the ruling bourgeoisie and supporters of the monarchy. The main difference is the commitment to traditional principles of attitude towards family, property and religion, but in the middle of the 20th century, conservatism was forced to accept liberal ideas of freedom and rights of the social and civil strata of the population. Representatives of conservative parties are the Conservative parties of Great Britain, the USA, and Germany.

2. Liberalism.
Liberal parties take as their basis the concept of the priority of freedom and personal rights, but what is most striking from other political movements is the factor of separation of public administration from civil society and the complete non-interference of the state in a person’s personal life. However, at the end of the 20th century, the concept of liberalism underwent a change, and subsequently began to be called “neoliberalism” or “social liberalism”, with its inherent ideas of social participation in political processes and the provision of social rights to education, work and pensions. Representatives of liberalism are the Liberals of Great Britain and the Republican Party of the USA.

3. Democracy.
Democratic parties base their program on the principles of popular sovereignty, citizen participation in the political governance of the state, legal equality before the law and the constitution, as well as political pluralism. Along with liberal principles, democratic parties recognize the right of the opposition to legally carry out its activities, nominate candidates for elections and participate in government. In the middle of the 20th century, democratic parties became more widespread, and under the influence of the emerging right of participation of the civil masses in political governance, democracy revealed an additional political movement of a mixed type - the “liberal democratic party”.

4. Socialism.
The socialist party's program was based on the concept of social equality and justice. The principles in the party program are:
A) Collectivism as a management principle.
B) Elimination of the facts of inequality and class society.
C) Maintaining a planned economy and economy strictly under the control of the state.
At the very beginning of the 20th century, a social democratic party emerged in Europe, based on equality, including justice, law and freedom of choice.

5. Communism.
It is noteworthy that communism, like socialism, are branches of Marxism that emerged as a result of the industrial revolution. The communist party is based on the principles of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the principles of egalitarianism and labor for the common good of the people and the state. Moreover, unlike socialism, the tactics of communism are carried out using revolutionary methods of struggle against the bourgeois class.
The main period of the development of communism in colonial countries began in the 20s of the 20th century and represented national liberation movements, with the obligatory implementation of a revolution of class affiliation.
Party functions as an influence on the management structure

Absolutely all political parties operating in the 20th century throughout Europe and Russia in particular had various programs and tasks characteristic of a particular political party, but it was the functions of the party that were of great importance. The main functions are:
1. An inextricable link between the managed and the managers.
The party is an uninterrupted channel of communication and information transfer with a specific “top-down” or “bottom-up” circulation.
2. Analysis and accumulation of public interests.
Parties are forced to consider social interests in order to identify the most significant interests in the direction of the political trend of the party.
3. A collective goal, as an element of inspiration for the party masses of society.
4. Recruitment and socialization of elite representatives, as selection of personnel for the promotion of a political party.
As a rule, all political parties of the 20th century, regardless of territorial and geographical location, used the above functions to have the greatest influence on the party composition and structure of government.

In addition to the direction in the functions of political parties, the subject of politics is of particular importance, having a serious impact on the structure and object of power. It can be a political individual, any public organization, social group or class. Political scientists have proposed classifying political subjects according to the following criteria:
A) Social subjects - any type of ethnic groups, electorate, criminal communities, social individual or the merchant bourgeoisie.
B) Institutional subjects - president, parliament, party, trade union.
C) Functional subjects - media, church, army, lobby.
The role of a political object is decisive, because the success of political success and influence on internal structures authorities. All of the above factors influenced the formation of leading European political parties in the 20th century, which led to the process of strengthening parties in the structure of public administration.

Political parties and trends in European countries, the USA and Russia

In the 20th century, the following trends and parties emerged in the political vector:
Austria - Social Democrats of Austria, Austrian People's Party;
Great Britain - Conservatives, Democrats, Labor Party, Liberal Democrats;
Germany - Christian Democratic Union, Christian Socialist Union, Free Democratic Party, Social Democratic Party;
Greece - communist party, coalition of leftists and progressives, new democracy (conservative party);
Spain - Socialist Workers' Party, People's Party, coalition of five parties;
Italy – center-left coalition, left democrats, communists;
Norway - Christian People's Party, Labor Party, Socialist Party, Conservatives and Liberals;
Portugal – social democratic party, communists and socialists;
Finland – Christian Union, Left Communist Union, Social Democrats, National Conservative Party;
France – communists, radical socialist party, republicans and national front;
Sweden - Christian Democratic Party, Communist Workers' Party, Moderate Conservative Party, Liberal People's Party;
USA – Democratic Party and Republican Party.
Political parties of Russia in the 20th century
Political parties in Russia appeared at the beginning of the 20th century after the bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1905-1907 and had a socialist orientation. It is noteworthy that the multi-party system existed only until the 20th year of the 20th century, then, until 1991, the monopoly of the CPSU existed.
By decision of the Congress of People's Deputies in 1991, the one-party system ceased to exist. From this moment on, multi-party system became characteristic feature a new era of political government. The following entered the political arena: the Democratic Party, the Liberal Democratic Party and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. The emergence of a multi-party system subsequently had a huge impact on the development and formation of other political parties and unions.

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Introduction

Chapter I. Radical parties

1. Russian Social Democratic Party (RSDLP)

a) Bolsheviks

b) Mensheviks

a) Socialist-Revolutionaries (SRs)

b) Union of Socialist Revolutionary Maximalists (USRM)

c) Party of Left Socialist Revolutionaries Internationalists

(Left Social Revolutionaries) (PLSR (i))

d) Russian Radical Democratic Party (RRDP)

INTRODUCTION

At the beginning of the 20th century, the process of formalizing political trends and movements began in Russia. This period was very significant for a country where democracy was practically absent.

For comparatively short term A huge number of parties emerged in Russia. From the end of the 19th century until 1920, there were about 90 of them. How can we explain such political activity? What influenced this process?

Unlike the West, the formation of a wide range of political parties in Russia was not the result of the democratic development of society, but, on the contrary, a consequence complete absence democracy. The authoritarian regime acted as a brake on the progressive development of the country and almost all social groups and classes were in opposition to it, as a result of which the emerging political parties were not only anti-government in nature, but also illegal and subject to persecution by the government.

For Russian society This period is characterized by excessive social differentiation. Each class or social group was heterogeneous in its composition and within them there were numerous private interests (cultural, intellectual, national, property, religious, etc.). Such wide social differentiation gave rise to the desire of each social layer, group or class to have its own political organization. This contributed to the emergence of not only numerous parties, but also a wide spectrum from left to right within each of them.

The special role of the intelligentsia in the formation of parties should be highlighted. It was formed mainly along ideological, rather than professional or economic principles. Under the conditions of the autocratic system, it was torn away from the real political life. This contributed to the fact that the intelligentsia directed its efforts towards developing the most radical projects for transforming Russian society. The intelligentsia was at the origins of the creation of almost all political parties.

The policy of national oppression pursued by the tsarist government contributed to the growth of political activity of the peoples of the national borderlands and the emergence of a wide range of national parties and nationalist movements. If in the West the bourgeois parties were the first to form, and then the social democratic ones, then in Russia the first were the populist ones, then the social democratic ones, and only then (since 1905) the bourgeois ones.

Based on the listed features, parties should be divided depending on their political goals, means and methods of achieving them into socialist, bourgeois and landlord-monarchist.

CHAPTER I. RADICAL PARTIES

1. Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP)

The formation of the party was prepared by the activities of the “Emancipation of Labor” group in 1883. which united the first Russian Marxist emigrants who lived in Geneva (G.V. Plekhanov, P.B. Axelrod, V.I. Zasulich, L.G. Deich, V.N. Ignatov). Members of the group translated into Russian and published a number of works by K. Marx and F. Engels, and in their works they criticized populism, contrasting it with Marxism as a scientific theory that is fully applicable, contrary to the populist doctrine, to the post-reform socio-economic development of Russia. The group members set themselves the task of forming a workers' party based on the theory of Marxism. In 1883-84. Plekhanov wrote the first policy documents Russian Social Democrats. Social-democratic organizations became more numerous and stronger in the second half of the 1890s - the “Union of Struggle for the Liberation of the Working Class”, formed in St. Petersburg (1895), Moscow, Ivanovo-Voznesensk, Kiev, Yekaterinoslav, as well as the Bund (1897) , who, continuing propaganda in workers' circles, moved on to distributing propaganda leaflets and led workers' strikes. From March 1 to March 3, 1898 The first congress of the RSDLP took place in Minsk, which proclaimed the creation of the RSDLP. In April, a manifesto written by Struve was published on behalf of the congress. In 1900 In order to unite the Social Democrats, Lenin, Yu.O. Martov and Potresov, together with members of the Liberation of Labor group Plekhanov, Axelrod and Zasulich, published the newspaper Iskra abroad and organized its distribution in Russia. As a result of a six-month discussion, members of the Iskra editorial board, mainly Plekhanov and Lenin, prepared a draft party program, presented to the second congress of the RSDLP (17.07-10.08.1903, Brussels-London). The RSDLP program adopted by the congress set out the tasks of the bourgeois-democratic revolution (minimum program). The ultimate goal of the party's activities (maximum program) was declared to be the proletarian revolution and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat with the goal of building socialism.

a) Bolsheviks

Faction within the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP). The name “Bolsheviks” reflected the results of the elections of the governing bodies of the RSDLP at its second congress (07.17. - 08.10.1903. Brussels - London). Bolshevism was a continuation of the radical line in the Russian liberation movement and absorbed elements of the ideology and practice of revolutionaries of the second half of the 19th century (N. G. Chernyshevsky, P. N. Tkachev, S. G. Nechaev). The composition of the Bolsheviks was not stable: the history of Bolshevism is characterized by constant changes in Lenin's inner circle - the only leader recognized by all Bolsheviks.

The Bolsheviks put forward the idea of the hegemony of the proletariat, opposing, in their opinion, both the autocracy and the “liberal bourgeoisie” in the beginning of the revolution. Counting on the armed overthrow of the autocracy, the Bolsheviks were not immediately able to overcome their distrust of the non-party workers' organizations that arose during the revolution - the Councils of Workers' Deputies, trade unions; for the same reason they boycotted the elections to the 1st State Duma.

During the rise of the revolution, they acted together with the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries, including in December 1905 in preparing and carrying out uprisings in Moscow and a number of other cities. Lenin explained the defeat of the uprisings by the insufficient preparedness and defensive nature of the actions of the rebels, concluding from this that we should continue to focus on the experience of the “October-November forms of movement” (the combination of economic and political demands in the strike struggle, the creation of rudimentary bodies of revolutionary power - the Soviets, etc. ). The course of revolutionary events and the demands of the workers who joined the party at that time forced the Bolsheviks to look for allies and make real steps to restore party unity. The Tammerfors Conference of the Bolsheviks (December 1905) spoke in favor of the merger of party centers and parallel local organizations; representatives of the Bolsheviks joined the Central Committee of the RSDLP, elected by the fourth (10 - 25.4.1906, Stockholm) and fifth (30.4 - 19.5.1907, London) party congresses, retaining, however, factional governing bodies- Bolshevik Center (Lenin, Bogdanov, Krasin) and the newspaper “Proletary”.

In 1907, the Bolsheviks recognized the mistake of boycotting the State Duma, so the “left bloc tactics” were carried out in the elections to the Duma of the second convocation. At the fourth congress of the RSDLP, agreeing with the general opinion of the delegates on the need to confiscate landowners' lands, the Bolsheviks put forward two projects. The first of them, which was defended by Lenin, I.A. Teodorovich and others, provided for the nationalization of all land in the event of a complete victory of the revolution. The project of the minority of the Bolsheviks proposed to carry out the division of landowners' lands between peasants into ownership. However, none of the projects was adopted by the congress. Despite the tactical rapprochement with other political forces, at certain moments of the revolution the ideological isolationism of the Bolsheviks intensified. Lenin and his supporters increasingly associated the effectiveness of revolutionary actions with the rejection of any ethical restrictions: when selecting party personnel, such individual qualities as adventurism and indiscriminateness in the means to achieve the goal were especially valued. During the revolution, the number of Bolsheviks grew from 14 thousand (summer 1905) to 60 thousand members (spring 1907). The defeat of the revolution forced many Bolsheviks to emigrate. In Russia, the decline of the mass revolutionary movement led to a sharp reduction in the number of illegal organizations; many of them ceased to exist for a long time.

A sharp struggle against dissidents (otzovists) unfolded within the Bolshevik faction; Accusations were brought against them of departing from the philosophy of Marxism. The exclusion of the otzovists, who subsequently formed the “Forward” group, secured Lenin’s position as the sole leader of the faction and interpreter of Bolshevism; his closest associates were G.E. Zinoviev and L.B. Kamenev. Lenin abandoned the search for compromises with other trends in the RSDLP and agreed to a final split with them in order to create an independent, ideologically homogeneous party.

Since April 1912, the legal daily newspaper Pravda was published in St. Petersburg, with the help of which it was supposed to distract the mass working reader from the tabloid press and, under the slogan of “unity from below,” to ensure its influence in social democratic organizations.

In an atmosphere of patriotic upsurge, which also affected part of the workers, the Bolsheviks occupied the extreme left flank among the few internationalists at the beginning of the war. A complete reorientation of the Bolshevik strategy and tactics occurred with the return of Lenin from emigration to Petrograd. IN " April Theses“He stated that in Russia the transition from the bourgeois-democratic revolution to the socialist one has already begun, and since without the “overthrow of capital” it is impossible to either end the imperialist war or solve general democratic problems, all state power must pass to the Soviets. Although Lenin repeatedly emphasized that the tactics he proposed in the April Theses were peaceful, the Bolsheviks made the most of the dual power that existed in the country and the instability of the political situation. The party's transition to the positions proposed by Lenin was facilitated by the influx of a mass of new members, whose revolutionary impatience reflected growing dissatisfaction with the policies of the Provisional Government; a significant part of this replenishment were soldiers. The Bolshevik slogans “All power to the Soviets”, “Down with the war”, “Land to the peasants” became increasingly popular. The first major test of the Bolsheviks' strength was the attempt made by several military units of the Petrograd garrison on July 3 - 4, 1917, under the influence of the agitation of the Military Organization under the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b). overthrow the Provisional Government. The putsch was followed by the arrests of the Bolsheviks and the beginning of a campaign against the party leaders. The Sixth Congress of the RSDLP(b) (July 26 - August 3, 1917, Petrograd) was held in the absence of Lenin and Zinoviev, who were hiding from arrest at that time. Stalin, Ya.M. made reports on behalf of the Central Committee. Sverdlov. Based on the conclusions made by Lenin regarding the current situation (power in the country passed into the hands of the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie; the period of peaceful development of the revolution was over), the congress abandoned the slogan “All power to the Soviets” and declared the task of the “new rise” to be “the complete elimination of the dictatorship of the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie” , thereby making a choice in favor of an armed seizure of power. After the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, which was Menshevik-Socialist Revolutionary in composition, rejected the Bolshevik resolution on power, Lenin demanded that the Bolshevik Central Committee begin preparing an armed uprising in Petrograd and Moscow, taking advantage of the “Bolshevisation” of the Soviets that was taking place at that time.

b) Mensheviks

This is a faction of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP), which took shape in an organized manner after the second party congress and received its name based on the results of elections to the central bodies of the party. The most prominent figures of Menshevism were Yu.O. Martov, P.B. Axelrod, G.V. Plekhanov, N.N. Zhordania, I.G. Tsereteli and other Mensheviks constantly broke up into groups that occupied different political positions and waged a bitter struggle among themselves. The most important task The social democrats and Mensheviks considered the organization of workers to be on a broad class basis.

The basis of the tactics of the Mensheviks in the period 1905-1907. lay views on the bourgeoisie as driving force revolution, which should lead the liberation movement in the country. According to the Mensheviks, the revolution of 1905-1907 was bourgeois in its socio-economic content. However, unlike the Bolsheviks, the Mensheviks declared that any exclusion of the bourgeoisie from the revolutionary movement would lead to its weakening. The key point of the Menshevik concept of revolution was the opposition of the bourgeoisie to the peasantry. The peasantry, according to the Mensheviks, although capable of “moving forward” the revolution, would greatly complicate the achievement of victory with its spontaneous rebellion and political irresponsibility. The Mensheviks pinned their hopes either on the trade union movement or on the convening of a “general workers’ congress.” During the revolution of 1905-1907. The organizational and ideological unity of Menshevism was disrupted: strong reformist tendencies emerged in it (Axelrod), a center emerged (Martov), “left” figures emerged (L.D. Trotsky) and a “special position” (Plekhanov).

In 1908 In Moscow, St. Petersburg and a number of other cities, a movement of Menshevik party members began to take shape, advocating the preservation of illegal party structures. Plekhanov supported them. The campaign for the reconciliation of all factions and trends in the RSDLP was led by Trotsky, who published in 1908-1912. in Vienna, the non-factional newspaper Pravda.

Since the beginning of the First World War, Menshevism split into patriotic and internationalist movements.

After February 1917 Menshevism became one of the most influential forces in the country, its representatives played a leading role in the Soviets of Workers' Deputies and occupied ministerial posts in the Provisional Government; The number of Menshevik organizations increased significantly. The cardinal problem that Menshevism faced in 1917 was the problem of the allies of the proletariat in the revolution. The answer to this question dictated tactics in relation to various political movements, the Soviets, and the Provisional Government. The Mensheviks still believed that there were no prerequisites for a socialist revolution in Russia. Therefore, they sharply criticized Lenin’s slogan of transferring power into the hands of the Soviets.

The crisis of Menshevism coincided with the crisis in the country. The October Revolution inflicted a political defeat on the Mensheviks. After the end of the Civil War, during the NEP period, the Mensheviks formally remained a legal party. In 1922 The Mensheviks were forced out of the Soviets. Party organizations also conspired at the beginning of 1923. finally went illegal. By the summer of 1925 Menshevism had “only a few or dozens” of supporters in the USSR, who were grouped in illegal cells and performed a kind of “liaison service” with the emigrant party center in Berlin; by the beginning of 1930 they completely disappeared.

2. Socialist parties

political differentiation oppression national

a) Socialists - revolutionaries (Socialist Revolutionaries)

At the end of the 19th century. The Socialist Revolutionary movement was a series of extremely secretive, closed circles of intellectuals. The development of the movement was hampered by constant repression by the authorities. At the turn of the 19th - 20th centuries. The question of the ideological renewal of populism arose as a pressing problem in the revolutionary movement. Changes took place in the Socialist Revolutionary movement itself, which was replenished, on the one hand, with old populists who had served hard labor and exile, and on the other, with extremist-minded youth who became victims of the autocracy’s persecution of students.

The Socialist Revolutionary party program included four main blocks, containing respectively the characteristics of the capitalism of that time, the international socialist movement opposing it, the unique conditions for the development of the Russian socialist movement and, finally, the rationale for the specific program of this movement with a consistent presentation of points relating to all main spheres of public life. Political democracy and the socialization of the land formed the core of the Socialist Revolutionary minimum program; its implementation was supposed to create the necessary prerequisites and provide conditions for Russia’s peaceful, evolutionary transition to socialism.

In relation to the autocratic police regime, the Socialist Revolutionaries were uncompromising and believed that it was possible to free themselves from it only by revolutionary violent methods. During the Revolution of 1905-1907, up to 200 terrorist attacks were committed.

The originality of the Socialist Revolutionary concept of the Russian revolution lay, first of all, in the fact that they did not recognize it as bourgeois. The ability of the bourgeoisie to become the head of the revolution and even to be one of its driving forces was also denied.

Already in the revolution of 1905-1907, a rather definite attitude of the Socialist Revolutionaries towards the Soviets emerged. They did not consider them the embryos of a new revolutionary power, but viewed them as a kind of organs of revolutionary self-government of one class, the main purpose of which was to organize and unite the dispersed amorphous working masses.

In January 1916, the Petrograd Committee of the Socialist Revolutionary Party developed and published theses, which stated that the main task of the day was “to organize the working classes for a revolutionary revolution,” since “only when they seize power will the liquidation of the war and all its consequences be carried out in the interests of labor democracy "

The internal history of the Socialist Revolutionary Party in 1917 is a history of struggle and compromise between three trends that gradually emerged within it: right, center and left, each of which had many different shades within itself.

The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk became a new impetus in the struggle of the Socialist-Revolutionaries with the Bolsheviks. In the ideology of this struggle, the idea of restoring the independence and unity of Russia on the basis of the principles proclaimed by the February Revolution occupies a paramount place.

The civil war showed the failure of the Socialist Revolutionary hopes for the triumph of a “third force”, a democratic alternative. The Socialist Revolutionary Party emerged from the war significantly weakened. Its numbers decreased sharply, most organizations collapsed or were on the verge of this, a number of prominent party figures, especially right-wing ones, who were oriented in one way or another towards the White Guards and interventionists, found themselves in exile. In June 1920, the party leadership was reorganized and the Central Organizational Bureau of the Central Committee was created, consisting of members of the Central Committee and influential party members who had survived arrests. The political goal of the party in the new conditions remained the same - the struggle for democracy, as the only political system capable of ensuring the manifestation of popular independence, this basic condition for the final victory of the revolution and socialist construction.

With the arrest of the last members of the Central Bureau in 1925, the Socialist Revolutionary Party practically ceased to exist in Russia. Only the Socialist Revolutionary emigration continued to operate to some extent.

b) Union of Socialists - Revolutionary Maximalists (USRM)

This is a group that separated from the Socialist Revolutionary Party at the end of 1904 and took the position of widespread use of terrorist struggle. In 1906, a founding congress took place in Finland, which transformed this group into the SSRM, which represented the extreme left wing of the Socialist Revolutionary movement. The USSR advocated the immediate implementation of the maximum socialist program (hence the name of the party), demanded the socialization of the land, industrial enterprises and the establishment of a “labor republic” in Russia, which was conceived as a transitional system after the seizure of power by the proletariat and peasantry. The essence of maximalism, according to the program, was that the upcoming revolution was conceived not as a political bourgeois revolution directed against tsarism, but as a labor, socialist revolution directed against the bourgeoisie. The maximalists considered terror to be the main tactical means.

Leaders and theorists of the USSR: M.I. Sokolov, V.V. Mazurin, V.D. Vinogradov, G.A. Nestroev, G.A. Rivkin, A.G. Trinity. The center of the USSR in 1906 was St. Petersburg, where in the spring of that year Sokolov created combat organization, which had numerous safe houses, workshops for the production of explosives, and weapons warehouses. 08/12/1906 The USSR blew up the dacha of Prime Minister P.A. Stolypin (the minister was not injured). In total in 1906-1907 Over 60 maximalist organizations operated, and over 50 terrorist attacks were committed.

In 1908, as a result of the general decline of the revolutionary movement, as well as the actions of the authorities, who considered the SSRM as one of the “most dangerous and intolerant” revolutionary parties in the state, the number of its organizations decreased to 42, and in 1910 there were less than 10 of them.

After February 1917, the revival of the USSR organizations began. In the summer of 1917, maximalist groups were being separated from Socialist Revolutionary organizations everywhere. Maximalist militants were part of the Red Guard of Petrograd and participated in the October armed uprising. The SSRM had representatives in the Petrograd Military Revolutionary Committee.

In 1918, ideological differences between the SSRM and the RCP (b) intensified. The maximalists opposed the dictatorship of the proletariat and the centralization of government in the area foreign policy The USSR protested against the Brest-Litovsk Treaty. Recognizing the need to create an army, the SSRM was against turning it into a regular one. In the spring of 1918, the first armed clashes between maximalist militants and the Bolsheviks took place.

In 1920 - 1922 the maximalists held several All-Russian meetings, the last of which (February 1922) decided to unite with the Party of Left Socialist Revolutionaries (Internationalists), which took place in September of the same year. However, this association soon ceased to exist.

c) Party of Left Socialist Revolutionary Internationalists (Left Social Revolutionaries) (PLSR(s))

The predecessors of the PLSR were the “Union of Socialist-Revolutionary Maximalists” and the “Union of Left Socialist-Revolutionaries”. Of these, in 1909, an extreme left group took shape under the leadership of Ya.L. Yudelevsky and V.K. Agafonova. In 1912 -1914 The bearer of left-wing ideology was the legal magazine “Zavety”. After the February Revolution, the Left Social Revolutionaries united around the newspaper “Land and Freedom”. The Left Social Revolutionaries conducted anti-war propaganda and participated in anti-government actions.

At the third congress of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, the Left Socialist Revolutionaries formed the so-called “platform of 42,” which was based on the condemnation of the war as imperialist, the demand for its immediate end and Russia’s withdrawal from the war; condemnation of the policy of cooperation with the “bourgeois” Provisional Government pursued by the Socialist Revolutionaries; an immediate solution to the land issue in the spirit of the left-narodnik program for the socialization of the land. These views lay at the heart of the differences between the left opposition and the Party Central Committee.

By the fall of 1917, independent Left Socialist Revolutionary factions had taken shape in a number of Soviets. At the beginning of October 1917, they negotiated with the Bolsheviks on the issue of leaving the Provisional Council of the Russian Republic.

Subsequently, representatives of the Left Socialist Revolutionaries became part of the Petrograd RVC, the chairman of which was the Left Socialist Revolutionary P.E. Lazimir. At the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets, the leaders of the Left Socialist Revolutionaries were elected to the presidium. The Left Socialist Revolutionary faction voted for the decrees proposed by the Bolsheviks.

After the October Revolution, the Left Social Revolutionaries took responsible positions in the Cheka (V.A. Aleksandrovich), in the Committee for the Revolutionary Defense of Petrograd (Spiridonova, M.A. Levinson), commanded military formations and fronts (M.A. Muravyov, A.I. Egorov ), held leadership positions in the navy (V.B. Spiro, P.I. Shishko), were part of the peace delegations at negotiations with the Germans in Brest-Litovsk (Mstislavsky, Karelin). The PLSR(s) supported the Bolsheviks in the Constituent Assembly and at the 3rd All-Russian Congress of Soviets (January 1918), which approved the first section of the Law on the Socialization of the Land. 02/20/1918 Left Socialist Revolutionary People's Commissars Proshyan and Karelin, along with V.I. Lenin, L.D. Trotsky and I.V. Stalin, entered the Executive Committee of the Council of People's Commissars. However, the tactical alliance of the Left Socialist Revolutionaries and Bolsheviks was short-lived. At the end of February 1918, at meetings of the Petrograd Committee and the Central Committee of the PLSR (i), as well as joint meetings of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b) and PLSR (i), which discussed the issue of signing the Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty, on 02.23.1918 at a meeting of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, the Left Socialist Revolutionaries voted against making peace with Germany. At the 4th All-Russian Congress of Soviets (March 1918), the Left Social Revolutionaries declared themselves free from the agreement with the Bolsheviks and the recall of their people's commissars from the Council of People's Commissars.

The 2nd Congress of the PLSR(i) was held in Moscow in April 1918, at which the party’s political program was adopted, which approved the principles of social revolution (building a federation of Soviet republics, decentralization of management, syndicalization of production and socialization of the land). The congress, in a closed meeting, authorized the start of international terror to accelerate the world revolution. The All-Russian Central Executive Committee from the PLSR(i) sharply criticized the internal policies of the Bolsheviks: they opposed the decrees on the food dictatorship and the Pobeda Committees, as well as the exclusion of deputies from the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks from the Soviets.

In January 1919, an illegal conference of the PLSR(i) was held in Petrograd, which outlined measures to further intensify the work of the party. The left-wing Socialist Revolutionary magazine Znamya began publishing in Moscow. IN large quantities Propaganda materials were published. Under the influence of the agitation of the left Socialist Revolutionaries, in February 1919, strikes began at Tula arms factories and in railway depots, and workers' protests in Petrograd were being prepared. In this regard, the authorities began a new campaign of repression against the Left Socialist Revolutionary opposition. From March to July 1919, 45 Left Socialist Revolutionary organizations were discovered and liquidated.

d) Russian Radical Democratic Party (RRDP)

The predecessor of the party was the Petrograd circle of radicals, which arose in 1915, which included D.N. Ruzsky, M.V. Bernatsky, M. Gorky. These persons in the fall of 1916 decided to create the RRDP. The founding meeting of the party took place on March 11, 1917. in Petrograd, but already at the end of March, part of the left-wing Cadets and former Duma progressives joined the new formation, who completed the final formalization of the RRDP. These figures significantly modernized the Narodnik-Menshevik draft party program, published in May 1917.

From this Project it followed that on the issue of state building, radical democrats advocated democratic federal republic headed by a president elected “from full citizens of both sexes for a term of no more than 4 years” on the basis of universal, direct, equal and secret suffrage. Legislature remained under the jurisdiction of the State Duma, the executive - with the Council of Ministers, elected by the Duma from among itself and responsible to it.

The RRDP put forward a programmatic demand for democratization and complete independence of local government, demanding the expansion of its competence and the improvement of local finances. On the national question, radical democrats advocated the creation of a State Council of Nations and the consistent implementation of a federal principle without infringing on the rights of various nations. On the land issue, the RRDP demanded the formation of a special state land fund from state appanage, monastic and privately owned lands, for the transfer of the organization of land relations to local government, as well as the introduction of an income tax on land. On the labor issue, members of the RRDP spoke out for the introduction of an 8-hour working day, the prohibition of overtime and night work, and the possibility of creating trade union and workers' organizations.

In the field of education and religion, radical democrats proposed the creation of a coherent system of secular education with compulsory free training at the initial stage; demanded the separation of church and state. On the military issue (in the context of the ongoing 1st World War), the radical democrats advocated “war until victory in agreement with the allies.” At the same time, they stated the need to reduce the period military service, on the preparation of trained reserves, on improving financial situation soldiers, elimination of privileges in the army. From July 16, 1917 in Petrograd, radical democrats published the daily newspaper “Fatherland”, from September 1917. in Moscow, the newspaper “Svobodnoe Slovo”.

In September 1917 The Provisional Council of the Russian Republic from the RRDP included Ruzsky, Pozner and Slavinsky. At the same time, the RRDP held its party conference, where it proclaimed unification with the Liberal Republican Party and the creation of a joint Central Committee.

The RRDP did not qualify for the elections to the Constituent Assembly. The next party conference of the radical democrats was expected on October 20-22, 1917. (information about its implementation has not been preserved). The last fragmentary information about the party activities of members of the RRDP dates back to the same time (October-November 1917).

e) Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (Internationalists) (RSDLP(s))

The party originated from a group of so-called “non-factional Social Democrats”, who during the First World War occupied intermediate positions between the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks - internationalists. After the February Revolution, members of the group B.V. Avilov, V.A. Bazarov, V.P. Volgin, V.A. Desnitsky, N.N. Sukhanov and others united around the newspaper “ New life"and launched the corresponding work, striving for ideological, organizational and political unity of the various units of Russian democracy. They preferred the path of forming their own party, first establishing the “Organization of United Social Democratic Internationalists” and local bodies in a number of large cities: Moscow, Vologda, Kazan, Perm, etc. 10/18-22/1917. The 1st conference of the organization was held with the participation of delegates from 4 thousand members. It discussed current issues and adopted a political platform. The essence of the latter was to deny the possibility of the victory of the socialist revolution in Russia and the need to establish the dictatorship of the proletariat. According to the organization's leaders, Russia should become a democratic republic led by a strong parliamentary government, but without a president. They tried to defend this idea at the 2nd All-Russian Congress of Soviets, supporting Martov’s proposal to create a homogeneous socialist government on a multi-party basis. Some of the united internationalists joined the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the RSFSR, where they played the role of opposition.

January 14-20, 1918 The organization of United Social Democratic Internationalists took shape as a party called the RSDLP(i).

At the founding congress in Petrograd, the focus of the delegates of the congress was on two questions - about the current moment and about power and about the attitude of the RSDLP (i) to other socialist parties. In the resolutions adopted on them, the congress determined the political face of the party, its strategy and tactics. First of all, the socialist character was denied October revolution, it was said about the impossibility of building socialism in one country. At the same time, the armed struggle against the Bolsheviks was condemned, and the thesis was put forward about ousting them from all government bodies, including through re-election of the Soviets. As for the second question, there was no such clarity here. On the contrary, during its discussion, a very wide range of opinions emerged - from rejection of the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks in general to the affirmation of the need for close cooperation with each of the parties. But events developed in such a way that the RSDLP(i) gradually moved closer to the RSDLP(b).

A gradual turn of the RSDLP (i) towards cooperation with the Bolsheviks began in the fall of 1918, when on November 7-10, 1918. The All-Russian Conference of the RSDLP (i) spoke out in support of Soviet power and for the entry of party members into the Red Army. The Central Committee of the RCP(b), in turn, sent a circular letter to local party organizations, in which it ordered not to create obstacles for internationalists to participate in responsible military work. This brought the positions of both parties somewhat closer and contributed to the establishment of appropriate contacts between them.

A discussion began within the party about the possibility of merging with the RCP(b). In accordance with the decision of the party conference, this issue was brought up for discussion at the next conference of the RSDLP(i), which took place in January 1919. As a result of the exchange of opinions and reports from the field, the delegates came, on the one hand, to the conclusion that everything was necessary to unite the two parties, first of all, the elimination of differences on the ways of the struggle for socialism through the dictatorship of the proletariat, and on the other hand, they considered it premature to merge with RKP(b). This controversial decision was explained by the following main reasons: the RCP(b)’s incorrect and extremely harmful denial of proletarian democracy, which was interpreted very broadly - from the free election of the Soviets to complete openness, from the need to strengthen the dictatorship of the proletariat to the elimination of the dictatorship of the party over the proletariat; the absence of revolutionary law and order in the country, the arbitrariness of certain groups and individuals, and the granting of exclusive powers to communist cells. The RSDLP(i) wrote that the danger of moral decay and transformation of the RCP(b) “into a self-sufficient privileged apparatus feeding on the proletariat has caused a healthy reaction among old members of the Bolshevik Party, who are raising the question of a severe purge of their ranks from all elements that have clung to it.” The internationalists rejected the proposal to merge the RSDLP(i) with the RCP(b).

The internationalists moved towards rapprochement and then unification with another small party - the Russian Party of Independent Social Democratic Internationalists, created in the summer of 1918. on the basis of a group of left-wing social democrats-internationalists who broke away from the RSDLP(i). Their joint congress, which went down in history as a congress of social democratic internationalists of all trends, took place on April 15-19, 1919. in Moscow. The congress spoke in favor of cooperation with the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) in the implementation of common goals and objectives, but diplomatically avoided the issue of merging communists and internationalists, considering the existence of an independent Russian Socialist Revolutionary Party necessary.

In the subsequent period, the RSRPI became increasingly closer to the RCP(b) and gradually lost the role of the opposition. In December 1919 the question of its merger with the Bolshevik Party again arose. Moreover, on the initiative of the Central Committee of the RSRPI, which on December 13 made a corresponding statement, expressing a desire to carry out its merger with the RCP (b) at the upcoming party congress. The Politburo agreed, and on December 19, at the RSPRI congress, the issue was resolved positively.

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The main political parties of the country at the beginning of the 20th century

Name of the political party and date of its founding	Party leaders	Main political positions
RSDLP (B) or “Bolsheviks” (date of formation - 1898, date of split - 1903).	V.U. Lenin, I.V. Stalin.	The Bolsheviks especially advocated the overthrow of the autocracy and the abolition of any class status. According to party leader Lenin, the existing monarchical power is hindering the potential development of the country, and the class division demonstrates all the flaws of the tsarist political views. The Bolsheviks insisted on a revolutionary solution to all problems in the country, and also insisted on the need for the dictatorship of the proletariat. Subsequently, the need to introduce universal, accessible education and carry out a revolution throughout the world was added to Lenin’s beliefs.
RSDLP (M) or “Mensheviks” (founding date of the party - 1893, date of split - 1903)	Yu.O. Martov, A.S. Martynov, P.B. Axelrod	Despite the fact that the RSDLP party itself split in 1903, its two directions retained mainly common views. The Mensheviks also advocated for universal suffrage, the abolition of estates and the overthrow of the autocracy. But the Mensheviks offered a slightly softer model for solving existing political problems. They believed that part of the land should be left to the state, and part should be distributed to the people, and that the monarchy should be fought through consistent reforms. The Bolsheviks adhered to more revolutionary and drastic measures of struggle.
"Union of the Russian People" (date of formation - 1900)	A.I. Dubrovin, V.M. Purishkovich	This party adhered to much more liberal views than the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks. The "Union of the Russian People" insisted on preserving the existing political system and strengthening the autocracy. They also insisted that the existing estates must be preserved and government reforms should be addressed through consistent and careful reforms.
Social Revolutionaries (date of formation - 1902)	A.R. Gots, V.M. Chernov, G.A. Gershuni	The Social Revolutionaries insisted on the relevance of a democratic republic, as the best model to govern the country. They also insisted on a federal structure of the state and the complete overthrow of the autocracy. According to the Socialist Revolutionaries, all classes and estates should be gotten rid of, and the land should be transferred to the ownership of the people.
Party of Russian Constitutional Democrats or “Cadets” (founded in 1905)	P.N. Miliukov, S.A. Muromtsev, P.D. Dolgorukov	The Cadets insisted on the need for consistent reformation of the existing political system. In particular, they insisted on maintaining the monarchy, but transforming it into a constitutional one. The division of power into three levels, the reduction of the existing role of the monarch and the destruction of the class division. Despite the fact that the position of the cadets was quite conservative, it found a wide response among the population.
	D.N. Shilov, A.I. Guchkov.	The Octobrists adhered to conservative views and advocated the creation of a constitutional monarchical system. In order to increase the efficiency of the government, they insisted on the creation of a state council and a state duma. They also supported the idea of preserving the estates, but with some revision of universal rights and opportunities.
Progressive Party (founded 1912)	A.I. Konovalov, S.N. Tretyakov	This party separated from the “Union of October 17th” and insisted on a more revolutionary solution to existing state problems. They believed that it was necessary to abolish the existing classes and think about a democratic system of society. This party had few followers, but still left its mark on history.
Russian monarchist party (founded in 1905)	V.A. Greenmouth	As the name of the party implies, its proteges adhered to conservative views and insisted on maintaining the existing political system, making only minor amendments. Party members believed that Nicholas II should retain all his rights, but at the same time consider ways to solve the economic crisis in the state.

Availability of various state parties, both with sharply revolutionary and liberal views on the future of the country, directly testified to the crisis of power. At the beginning of the 20th century, Nicholas II could still change the course of history by ensuring that all the named parties ceased to exist. However, the inaction of the monarch only further spurred political activists.

As a result, the country experienced two revolutions and literally being torn apart by the Mensheviks, Bolsheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries. In the end, the Bolsheviks managed to win, but only at the cost of thousands of losses, a sharp deterioration in the economic situation and a decrease in the international authority of the country.

By the beginning of the 20th century, political activity in Russia reached its maximum. All social party organizations that existed at that time were divided into three main branches: socialist movements, liberal and monarchical. Each of the movements reflected the mood of the main segments of the population.

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