Alexander Ivanovich Guchkov born on October 14, 1862 in Moscow, into a merchant family long known in Russian business circles. Also his great-grandfather, F.A. Guchkov, belonged to the "merchant class". His father, Ivan Efimovich Guchkov, in the 60s. XIX century was a guild elder of the Moscow Merchant Council, then a member of the Moscow branch of the Council of Trade and Manufactures, an honorary justice of the peace in Moscow, served in the Moscow office of the State Bank, and was elected to the foreman of the Moscow Exchange Committee. His sons are twins Nikolai and Fedor, Alexander and Konstantin - became the successors of his work.
Alexander graduated from the 2nd Moscow gymnasium on Razgulay - one of the largest and most prestigious secondary schools educational institutions V late XIX century, where many famous people studied public figures Russia, artists, writers, scientists. A penchant for humanities predetermined his further education. In the first half of the 80s. He graduated from the Faculty of History and Philology of Moscow University, then studied at the Universities of Berlin and Heidelberg in Germany.
While still at Moscow University, he studied in a circle of young historians, lawyers and economists. Subsequently famous scientists gave their first abstracts here: P.N. Milyukov, A.A. Kiesewetter, S.F. Fortunatov, A.A. Manuilov, V.F. Deryuzhinsky. However, the active nature Guchkova It was not enough to do science alone. In 1888 he was elected an honorary justice of the peace in Moscow. In the early 90s. worked on the staff of the Nizhny Novgorod governor, in the Moscow city administration. From 1893 to 1897 was a member of the Moscow city government. With his active participation, the construction of a water pipeline in Mytishchi was completed and the first stage of sewerage was carried out. In 1894, for distinguished service, he received his first award - the Order of St. Anne, III class.
In 1895 - 1896 Guchkov visited Ottoman Empire, made the crossing through Tibet. In the next three years, he served as a junior officer of the Cossack hundred guarding the Chinese Eastern Railway in Manchuria, and traveled on horseback through China, Mongolia, and Central Asia. He volunteered to take part in the Anglo-Boer War on the side of the Boers, where he was wounded and captured by the British. In 1903 he visited Macedonia during the anti-Turkish uprising.
During the Russo-Japanese War of 1904 - 1905. Guchkov was at the front as a representative of the Moscow City Duma and the Leading Committee. book Elizaveta Fedorovna, as well as assistant to the chief commissioner of the Russian Red Cross Society under the Manchurian Army. In the spring of 1905, he was captured by the Japanese because he did not leave the wounded soldiers and remained with them in the hospital.
In the revolutionary year of 1905 Guchkov emerged as one of the leading figures in the liberal movement. He took part in zemstvo-city congresses. He became one of the leaders of the right-wing, “Shilovsky” minority. He participated in the creation of the "Union of October 17th", becoming its leader. Since 1906, he was the chairman of the Central Committee of this party, participated in the work of all its congresses and conferences, and became one of the ideologists of Octobrism. A supporter of a constitutional monarchy with a strong central executive power, as well as a “single and indivisible” empire, he still recognized the right of individual peoples to cultural autonomy. Guchkov considered it necessary to avoid sudden radical political changes, which, in his opinion, threatened the historical evolution of the country and could destroy Russian statehood.
In 1907 Guchkov was elected to the Third State Duma, where he headed the Octobrist faction and the Duma Defense Commission. From March 1910 to March 1911 was the Chairman of the State Duma. Initially he supported the P.A. Stolypin reforms. Being a direct and uncompromising person, he often came into conflicts with Duma deputies, sometimes leading to clashes. So, he challenged P.N. to a duel. Milyukov, fought with Count Uvarov. In several speeches devoted to the activities of the War Ministry, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Synod, he extremely sharply criticized the grand dukes and Rasputin, which angered the court camarilla, and in particular the emperor and empress themselves. His denunciations of Rasputin caused Alexandra Fedorovna is simply pathological hatred. Nicholas II, according to V.N. Kokovtsova, sincerely rejoiced at the failure Guchkova in the elections to the Duma in the fall of 1912.
When the First World War began, Guchkov as an authorized representative of the Russian Red Cross Society, he was actively involved in organizing hospitals and providing them with medicines, equipment and personnel, and often traveled to the front. He was one of the founders and chairman of the Central Military-Industrial Committee, a member of the Special Conference on State Defense.
His popularity and influence increased dramatically during the war years. In September 1915, he was elected a member of the State Council from the commercial and industrial curia. The war finally convinced Guchkova the need for a change of government. He spoke about this on October 25, 1915 at a meeting of the presidium of the Progressive Bloc, which united many figures from the State Duma and State Council in opposition to the government. “The regime of favorites, magicians, buffoons,” this is what he called the ruling circles of Russia in 1915. He soon came to the idea of the advisability of a dynastic coup and the creation of a ministry of liberal politicians responsible to the Duma. However, he did not raise the question of ending the war and did not propose radical socio-economic reforms.
However, even to implement existing projects there was not enough time, and mainly strength. Attempts Guchkova and his supporters to involve any of the senior officers in the plans to remove Nicholas II from state affairs were not successful: most of the generals, even those who sympathized with the idea of a coup, flatly refused to participate in the conspiracy. Later himself Guchkov noted that " Russian society in the person of its leading circles, it was not sufficiently aware of the need for this coup" and provided the opportunity for "blind spontaneous forces to carry out this painful operation" - the overthrow of the autocracy.
Myself Guchkov played a prominent role in the culminating act of the monarchical drama in late February - early March 1917. When tsarist power in the capital fell, he insisted on “quickly and decisively” saving the monarchy: without entering into any agreements in this regard with the Petrograd Soviet , go to Nicholas II in Pskov and “bring abdication in favor of the heir.” On March 2, together with V.V. Shulgin he came to Pskov; Having accepted them, Nicholas II declared that he “decided to abdicate the throne: in favor of his brother Michael.” On March 3, the two of them brought a manifesto of renunciation to Petrograd. The former empress, having become simply a “citizen of Romanova,” was especially indignant at the fact that abdication was accepted among others and Guchkov, seeing it as an act of “terrible humiliation.” (For the same reason, there will be an attempt on his life in exile).
In the first composition of the Provisional Government (from March 2) Guchkov received the portfolio of Minister of War and Navy. Observing the increasing chaos in the country, he considered it possible and necessary to implement tough measures to suppress the authorities parallel to the Provisional Government - the Soviets. But such tactics were not supported by the cabinet of ministers (with the exception of P.N. Milyukov), and on May 2, after the “April” government crisis, Guchkov resigned.
However, he did not give up public activities: he was a participant in the State Conference in Moscow (August 1917), a member of the Provisional Council Russian Republic(pre-parliament). He ideologically, organizationally and financially supported General L.G. Kornilov in his preparation for decisive measures to establish “order” in the country. After the liquidation of the Kornilov "rebellion" in August 1917. Guchkov was arrested among the main organizers and leaders, but was released a few days later.
He went first to Moscow, and then, in the fall of 1917, to Kislovodsk. In the south of Russia, finding ourselves among a crowd of many “formers” who made different plans for the future after the Bolsheviks seized power, Guchkov He thirsted, first of all, to “get even” with the new rulers of Russia.
He was one of the first, in December 1917, to give 10 thousand rubles. General M.V. Alekseev when he began to form the Volunteer Army.
Several times the Soviet authorities tried to arrest Guchkova. In the spring of 1918, he went underground, hid illegally near Essentuki, and then moved to Yekaterinodar.
As an authorized representative of the delegation of the Russian Red Cross Society to the Volunteer Army, he actively organized its logistics. In Ekaterinodar he became close to General A.I. Denikin, tried to figure it out himself and explain to Denikin the reasons for the unpopularity of the Volunteer Army among the people, psychological problems among officers. In January 1919, at Denikin’s request, he went to Paris at the head of a special mission, which was entrusted with negotiating with the governments of Western European countries on providing material assistance to the AFSR.
This departure, in fact, became for Guchkova emigration. On his way to France, he visited Turkey and Italy. In May, together with his former assistant at the War Ministry, Lieutenant General D.V. Filatiev, he made a report at a joint meeting of representatives of Russian emigrant organizations and the Entente. At negotiations in Paris with French President R. Poincaré, he tried to prove the need to expand financial and military assistance to the white armies.
Over the summer, he held talks with British leaders. In one of the letters to Denikin Guchkov noted that “by a happy coincidence” the head of the War Ministry is W. Churchill, a man who fully understands the global danger of Bolshevism and considers England “the only savior of Russia.” “A man of great will and strong adventurism, boundlessly ambitious, who made the Russian question a springboard for a bold leap for power, but an unprincipled man, with a large share of adventurism:” - this is how he characterized Churchill. On the whole, however, he became convinced that intervention in Russia did not enjoy support among the English people.
In correspondence with Churchill Guchkov demanded the speediest delivery of a mortal blow to Bolshevism, the capture of Moscow and Petrograd. He proposed recruiting volunteers in Bulgaria to fight Soviet power and creating an army from Russian prisoners of war who were abroad. Partly as a result of his persistence, in August 1919, the British government provided financial assistance to the government of the Russian North-Western Region, created under Yudenich in Reval (Tallinn).
Guchkov shared Churchill’s opinion on the possibility of using the troops of Finland, Estonia and Latvia together with the white armies. He played an important role in organizing the transport of weapons and ammunition from England to the territory of the Baltic countries for the Whites.
In August 1920 Guchkov came to Crimea briefly to visit General P.N. Wrangel. A complete understanding was established between them. Wrangel believed Guchkova one of the most “serious” Russian politicians in exile. When Wrangel's Russian army was evacuated from Crimea to Turkey, Guchkov put a lot of effort into preserving it.
In February 1921, in a letter to Wrangel Guchkov reported that he and others former members The State Council and State Duma deputies decided to create a Russian Parliamentary Committee in Paris in order to defend the “Russian cause” before the governments of Western European countries. Such committees appeared in Berlin, Constantinople, and London. According to Guchkova, they included people “who were divided by many things in the past, who will diverge in their ways in the future, but who this moment"fettered by ardent love for the Motherland."
In 1921 - 1923 Guchkov was the chairman of the Russian Parliamentary Committee. He tried not to miss a single opportunity to fight Soviet power. However, he was quite strict about the choice of allies and fellow travelers in this struggle. Thus, he warned Wrangel against any contacts with Captain G.M. Semenov, whose troops were known for their atrocities against civilians in the Far East and stole part of the country’s gold reserves sent by A.V. Kolchak to Vladivostok. In January 1922, Wrangel proposed Guchkov mobilize emigrant forces, mainly commercial, industrial and banking circles, to disrupt the economic negotiations planned in Genoa with Soviet Russia. But this idea failed due to serious disagreements that existed among the Russian emigration.
In April 1922, an attempt was made to unite the various emigrant commercial and industrial groups. A meeting of their representatives took place in Paris. Guchkov, knowing the situation, did not show up. The Ryabushinsky brothers, speaking at this meeting, emphasized that the basis of the future Russia will be the army, the commercial and industrial class and the intelligentsia. It was puzzling Guchkova. He asked Wrangel in a letter: where did the workers and peasants go? S.N. Tretyakov, on the sidelines of the meeting, stated that Russia would not be able to grow stronger without American capital, and for America, Wrangel was not a suitable candidate for the place of all-Russian leader. Ryabushinsky, declaring his affection for the army, at the same time directly asked not to demand money. Guchkov I clearly saw that Russian emigrant entrepreneurs were afraid to take on any moral and material obligations, to compromise themselves by connection with Wrangel. Therefore, he advised Wrangel not to establish strong ties, but also not to break with anyone.
At the end of 1922 Guchkov acted as the actual initiator of the coup d'etat in Bulgaria, considering this the only way to save the units of the Russian army located there (Wrangel's army, which was numerically superior to the armed forces of Bulgaria itself, posed a serious danger to the reformist government of A. Stamboliysky, formed mainly from members of the Bulgarian Agricultural People's Union). Russian officers took part in the preparation of the coup, and on June 9, 1923, the Stambolisky government was overthrown.
From the end of 1922 Guchkov began to insist on shifting the center of gravity of the fight against Bolshevism to Russia. He proposed to “penetrate” Russia by all means: “individually, in groups, in the form of enterprises, trade, industrial, publishing, etc.”, which, in his opinion, should have helped to obtain “local figures.” At the same time, he emphasized the importance of carrying out terror, which could disorganize Soviet power.
In May 1923, in Lausanne, white terrorists killed the Soviet diplomat, Bolshevik V.V. Vorovsky. A Swiss court acquitted the killers. Behind the scenes, both before and after “this whole staging”, he was very active Guchkov. With the help of intermediaries, he collected some sums of money, gave instructions to a group of emigrants to draw up an “indictment” of Soviet power, which the Swiss lawyer T. Ober was supposed to speak at the trial (according to Guchkova, "prominent creator of Swiss fascism").
When in the summer of 1924, on the initiative of T. Ober, the League of Struggle against the Third International was created, in the leadership of which Russian emigrants participated, Guchkov called for assistance to Ober's "white international".
Assessing the situation in Russia that developed with the transition to the NEP and in connection with the aggravation of the struggle within the top of the RCP (b) after Lenin’s death, he considered it possible to establish a military dictatorship there. In his opinion, this could be a regime of military and civilian “specialists,” perhaps “right-wing communists,” to whom he included Trotsky, considering him a “man of real politics.” According to Guchkova Trotsky had every chance to eliminate Stalin, relying on the Red Army, but lost this fight due to slowness and hesitation.
The anti-Bolshevik struggle was one of the main activities Guchkova in exile. In correspondence with P. Sorokin, he asked to find persons or organizations in America who could help in this matter. In 1927, the anti-Soviet campaign intensified in the West. This was facilitated by the British government, which made accusations against the USSR in February. In April, in a letter to P.B. Struve Guchkov set the task very specifically: “physically destroy the ruling handful from the Kremlin.” And he defined the method: “collective political murder.” He considered this completely justified from a moral point of view and for reasons of patriotism and expediency. He advised establishing contacts with “fighters” inside Russia, even if not like-minded people, but simply fellow travelers, to help with everything the emigration has: means, connections, authority. At the same time, he bitterly recognized the helplessness and weakness of the emigrants, their lack of passion and readiness to sacrifice.
In exile Guchkov withdrew from political organizations. Moreover, he very persistently guarded his political independence. This, according to Miliukov, caused more than mistrust. But myself Guchkov admitted that he was “simply not enough.”
He condemned governments European countries for recognition of the Soviet government and readiness to economic cooperation from the USSR. To counter this, on the initiative Guchkova An Information Bureau was established at the Russian Economic Bulletin in Paris. It was supposed to collect information about the economic situation in the USSR and supply this information to interested individuals and organizations. Joining the bureau together with A.I. Guchkov included: N.I. Guchkov, N.D. Avksentyev, N.A. Basili, A.P. Bogaevsky, V.M. Zenzinov, A.V. Kartashev, A.I. Konovalov, S.N. Tretyakov, S.E. Trubetskoy, N.S. Timashev and others.
In 1931, on the initiative of scientists at Stanford University, a book by G.Ya. Sokolnikov "Financial Policy of Soviet Russia", covering the new economic policy and the success of monetary reform in the USSR. It caused a great resonance in the West. AND Guchkov, trying to “correct the evil that the book has done,” asked Russian emigrants in the United States to find the strength and means to publish an alternative book, which he advised to include materials from the 1st Soviet Five-Year Plan, in which he saw “the whole meaning of Russian communism.”
Guchkov, living first in Germany and then in France, he participated in many all-Russian congresses, often traveled to countries where his compatriots lived, and worked in the Main Directorate of the Foreign Russian Red Cross Society. In the early 30s. he led the effort to coordinate famine relief in the USSR.
The hunger relief campaign was one of the largest among the Russian emigration. March 26, 1934 on the initiative Guchkova The Main Directorate of the Russian Red Cross Society appealed to Russian emigrants to provide assistance to the population of the USSR. By this time, the Main Committee for Famine Relief of Soviet Russia was working in Yugoslavia, the Union of German Subjects - emigrants from Russia and the Ukrainian Committee for Famine Relief were created in Germany, and the Committee for Famine Relief in the Soviet Union arose in Austria. In May 1934, an organizational meeting was held in Paris with the goal of creating a special body to coordinate famine relief. Representatives of about 20 emigrant organizations - professional, women's, youth, artists, etc. took part in it. At the same time, a number of Russian emigrant organizations avoided participating in the meeting under various pretexts. All this testified to serious contradictions within the emigration in relation to the USSR. The meeting decided to coordinate the activities of all participating organizations, based on the principles of humanism and mercy.
Guchkov Constantly and with keen attention he studied all the information about the situation in the USSR, monitored the situation among the Russian emigration, analyzed the attitude of leading Western politicians towards Soviet power, especially T. Roosevelt. He maintained an active correspondence, published numerous articles, and made various notes and information on these issues.
Russian emigration, and Guchkov including, she followed with alarm the developments in Germany after Hitler came to power. Guchkov saw the threat new war. As in the spring of 1917, he was convinced that another world cataclysm was approaching. True, he hoped for the common sense of German industrialists and financiers, that they would be able to “remove” Hitler themselves. Many emigrants believed that Guchkov exaggerates the danger. Guchkov he said that they only lull themselves with dreams and hopes of preserving peace. “The point is not whether there will be a war or not, this dilemma no longer exists!” he declared. “In fact, the war has already taken its fatal place on the political map of the world. There is also no doubt that in the new inevitable conflict the main and main opponents will Soviet Union and Germany." But he avoided the question of whose side the Russian emigration should be on in this war.
By the beginning of the 30s. Guchkov became one of the most serious Russian studies scholars in the West. He sent his information and his conclusions to the governments and parliaments of Western European countries, he corresponded with famous politicians: G. Doumergue, K. Kramar and others.
The intelligence services of the USSR, who managed to penetrate the military and political centers of emigration, were keenly interested in the activities Guchkova and his surroundings. Soviet intelligence officers were able to recruit his daughter Vera. Apparently, she agreed to cooperate with them not for material reasons, but for ideological ones: her husband, the Englishman R. Thrale, was a communist, fought in Spain against the fascists and died there in 1937. Deep patriotism could also play a role, common to everyone Guchkov: many emigrants saw how the position of the USSR on the world stage was strengthening, how their homeland was again emerging as a leading world power. At the end of the 30s, at the height of the repressions, she visited the USSR. According to available information, the People's Commissar of Internal Affairs N.I. himself saved her from arrest. Yezhov, forcing her to leave. (The victory of the USSR in World War II convinced her of the correctness of her choice, and she wrote a book full of praise for the USSR and Stalin. She remembered Yezhov with special gratitude. Only in the 60s did she gradually become disillusioned with communist ideology. She died V.A. Guchkova in 1986, was buried in Cambridge Cemetery in the UK).
In the winter of 1935 Alexandra Ivanovich Guchkova His health deteriorated greatly, but he had no time for treatment. He agreed to take medication, but refused to go to the hospital, because for him this meant breaking the usual image of science. Only in October 1935 did he agree to undergo a course of examination. Doctors at Boucicault Hospital diagnosed him with intestinal cancer. He did not experience severe pain and therefore did not stop active activities. He was even transferred to a private hospital in Mirabeau, where there was a freer regime. He dictated letters, spoke on the telephone (there was a telephone on the table by the bed), and communicated with visitors. The diagnosis was hidden from him, and Guchkov was convinced of a speedy recovery. He even set a condition for the doctors: “I need to be able to work. This is my condition. I don’t need to exist without work.”
And in the last months of A.I.’s life. Guchkov continued to ponder the question: was the revolution and civil war inevitable in Russia? He believed that there was little chance of avoiding them due to the “weak monarch” and the undermined moral foundations of the ruling class. He wrote memoirs, but they remained unfinished:
Guchkov died in Paris on February 14, 1936, according to Miliukov, “lonely, silent, among strangers and not completely solved.” The funeral liturgy took place in the church Alexandra Nevsky. Almost all prominent representatives of the emigration were present. Both “left” and “right” politicians, military men, writers and artists came to honor his memory: N.D. Avksentyev, M.A. Aldanov, V.L. Burtsev, M.V. Vishnyak, Prince A.D. Golitsyn, Prince V.V. Vyazemsky, R.B. Gul, A.I. Denikin, P.N. Miliukov, B.I. Nikolaevsky, N.V. Plevitskaya and many others. Body Guchkova was cremated, and the urn with the ashes was installed in the columbarium at the Père Lachaise cemetery in Paris.
Essays:
Guchkov A.I. Collection of speeches in the Third State Duma (1907 - 1912). St. Petersburg, 1912. A.I. Guchkov tells. M., 1993.
Memories:
Rodzianko M.V. The collapse of the empire. 2nd ed. L., 1929.
Kerensky A.F. A.I. Guchkov//Modern notes. 1936. ? 60.
Shulgin V.V. Days // Shulgin V.V. Days. 1920. M., 1989.
Paris, France Alexander Ivanovich Guchkov(October 14, Moscow - February 14, Paris) - Russian politician, leader of the Union of October 17 party. Chairman of the III State Duma (1910-1911), member of the State Council. War and Naval Minister of the Provisional Government (1917).
Family
Coming from a Moscow merchant family.
- Great-grandfather - Fyodor Alekseevich, from the peasants of the Maloyaroslavets district of the Kaluga province, a servant. Came in the late 1780s. to Moscow, where he became an Old Believer.
- Grandfather - Efim Fedorovich, successor of Fedor Alekseevich as the owner of the enterprise, where he founded a school for orphans. He was elected mayor of Moscow. Together with his brother Ivan and his children, under the threat of reprisals from the authorities, in 1853 he converted to Edinoverie - a direction in Orthodoxy that preserved the old rituals, but recognized the jurisdiction of the Russian Orthodox Church.
- Father - Ivan Efimovich (1833-1904), co-owner of the Guchkov Efim Sons trading house, honorary justice of the peace.
- Mother - Coralie Petrovna, nee Vaquier, French.
- Brother - Nikolai Ivanovich (1860-1935) - Moscow mayor (1905-1912), actual state councilor.
- Brother - Fyodor Ivanovich (1860-1913) - one of the founders of the “Union of October 17th”, the de facto head of the newspaper “Voice of Moscow”.
- Brother - Konstantin Ivanovich (1866-1934).
- Wife - Maria Ilyinichna, née Zilotti (1871-1938).
- Son - Leo (1905-1916).
- Daughter - Vera Alexandrovna (Vera Trail; 1906-1987). In her first marriage, she was married to the leader of the “Eurasian” movement P. P. Suvchinsky. She was also close to another famous Eurasianist D.P. Svyatopolk-Mirsky, and used the English pseudonym “Vera Mirsky”. In his second marriage - to the Scottish communist Robert Traill. Collaborated with Soviet intelligence services.
Education and military service
Municipal activist and entrepreneur
Since 1886 - honorary justice of the peace in Moscow. In 1892-1893 he participated in helping the famine-stricken in the Lukoyanovsky district of the Nizhny Novgorod province.
In 1895, together with his brother Fedor, he traveled through the territories of the Ottoman Empire populated by Armenians, where anti-Turkish protests were then taking place. He collected materials that were then used in compiling a collection on the situation of Armenians in Turkey. In 1898 he left for Far East, where he entered the service as a security officer at the construction of the Chinese Eastern railway(CER), in 1899 he was fired for insulting an engineer (but even before his dismissal he resigned). After this, he and his brother Fedor made a risky journey to European Russia through China, Mongolia and Central Asia.
In 1899, as a volunteer (together with his brother F.I. Guchkov) he went to the Transvaal, where he participated in the Anglo-Boer War on the side of the Boers, was wounded and captured. According to the memoirs of contemporaries, during heavy battles he was distinguished by his resourcefulness and outward calm, despite the danger.
In 1903, he traveled to Macedonia in order to participate in the uprising of the local population against the Ottoman Empire. During the Russo-Japanese War he was assistant to the chief commissioner of the Red Cross under the Manchurian Army, commissioner of the city of Moscow and the Committee Grand Duchess Elizaveta Fedorovna. In the spring of 1905, he was captured by the Japanese because he did not want to leave Mukden with the retreating Russian troops and leave the wounded in the hospital. He was soon released by the Japanese and returned to Russia. According to Count S. Yu. Witte, who was critical of him, Guchkov is a lover of strong sensations and a brave man.
Duelist
He fought duels several times and earned a reputation as a bully.
- In 1899, he challenged an engineer who worked on the construction of the Chinese Eastern Railway to a duel. After the latter refused to accept the challenge, he was hit in the face.
- In 1908, he challenged the leader of the Kadet Party P.N. Milyukov to a duel, who declared in the Duma that Guchkov “was telling a lie” on one of the issues discussed. Miliukov accepted the challenge; Five-day negotiations between the seconds ended with the reconciliation of the parties.
- In 1909, Guchkov dueled with State Duma member Count A. A. Uvarov, who, as one newspaper publication claimed, in a conversation with Stolypin called Guchkov a “politician.” In response, Guchkov wrote him an insulting letter, provoking a challenge to a duel and at the same time refusing reconciliation. The duel ended with Uvarov being harmed and shooting into the air.
- In 1912, he fought a duel with Lieutenant Colonel S. N. Myasoedov, whom he accused of participating in the creation of a political investigation system in the army. Myasoedov shot first and missed; Guchkov immediately afterwards fired into the air. After the duel, Myasoedov was forced to leave the army. In 1915, he was found guilty of high treason and executed (according to the opinion of most modern historians, including K.F. Shatsillo (“The Case of Lieutenant Colonel Myasoedov”), the case was fabricated and an innocent person was executed).
Politician
In 1905, after returning to Russia, he actively participated in zemstvo and city congresses and adhered to liberal-conservative views. He advocated the convening Zemsky Cathedral so that the emperor would come forward with a reform program. Constitutional monarchist, supported the Manifesto of October 17, 1905:
We, constitutionalists, do not see any diminution of royal power in the establishment of a constitutional monarchy in our country; on the contrary, in the updated state forms we see the introduction of this power to a new splendor, the revelation of a glorious future for it.
In a quiet, soft voice he began his speech. But as his theses developed, the whole room turned into hearing and attention. He challenged the principle of integral universality. If, when electing people's representatives, it is impossible to limit the voter to a property qualification, then, in his opinion, a territorial qualification in a certain minimum amount is necessary. Further, it is necessary to limit the right to be elected to the condition of literacy. He challenged the principle of direct elections, finding that given the vastness of the territories of our State, two-stage elections would more correctly reflect in parliament the interests of various groups of the population given the heterogeneity of nationalities inhabiting Russia.
In October 1905, S. Yu. Witte offered him the post of Minister of Trade and Industry, but Guchkov, like other public figures, refused to join the government, the Ministry of Internal Affairs of which was headed by the staunch conservative P. N. Durnovo.
In the fall of 1905, he became one of the founders of the liberal-conservative party “Union of October 17,” which A. I. Guchkov headed as Chairman of the Central Committee on October 29, 1906. He was defeated in the elections in State Duma I and II convocations, in 1907 he was elected a member of the State Council from Moscow.
He was a supporter of the government of P. A. Stolypin, whom he considered a strong state leader capable of carrying out reforms and ensuring order. He advocated a decisive fight against the revolution, including with the help of military courts. Supported the dissolution of the Second State Duma and the change in the electoral law on June 3, 1907. In the same year, he refused to join Stolypin's government, but continued to support him.
In the III State Duma
In 1907-1912 - member of the III State Duma from the city of Moscow. According to the new electoral law, the Octobrist party led by him achieved impressive success in the elections to the 3rd State Duma (154 deputy mandates out of 442). On the eve of the elections, its recognized leader stated:
He was the leader of the Octobrist parliamentary faction and actively contributed to the Duma’s approval of the Stolypin agrarian reform. According to the Octobrist N.V. Savich:We know that the only correct path is the central path, the path of balance, which we, the Octobrists, follow.
With great intelligence, talent, and pronounced abilities as a parliamentary fighter, Guchkov was very proud, even vain, and moreover, he was distinguished by a stubborn character that did not tolerate opposition to his plans.
He served as chairman of the commission on state defense - in this capacity he established connections with many representatives of the generals, including A. A. Polivanov, V. I. Gurko. He paid significant attention to modernization Russian army, in 1908 sharply criticized the activities of representatives of the House of Romanov in the army, calling on them to resign. This circumstance worsened Guchkov's relations with the court. There is information that Guchkov also divulged the circumstances of a private conversation with the tsar, after which Nicholas II completely refused to trust him.
After the assassination of the head of government in Kyiv, on September 5, 1911, Guchkov spoke in the Duma with the rationale for his faction’s request regarding the assassination attempt on the prime minister and drew attention to the situation in the country:
Our Russia has been sick for a long time, sick with a serious illness. The generation to which I belong was born under the gun of Karakozov, in the 70-80s. a bloody and dirty wave of terror swept across our fatherland... Terror once slowed down and has since slowed down the progressive progress of reforms, terror gave weapons into the hands of reaction, terror shrouded the dawn of Russian freedom in its bloody fog.
From 1912 to February 1917
There is information that Guchkov was personally involved in distributing four or five letters (possibly forged) that fell into his hands through Iliodor - one from Empress Alexandra Feodorovna, the rest from the Grand Duchesses to G. E. Rasputin. The correspondence was multiplied on a hectograph and distributed in the form of copies as propaganda material against the tsar. The Tsar, having sorted it out, instructed Minister of War Sukhomlinov (who met with Guchkov on the affairs of the Duma Defense Commission) to tell Guchkov that he was a scoundrel.
The reasons why A.I. Guchkov was in irreconcilable hostility to Nicholas II were not only political, but also personal. According to available information, the tsar initially had a rather positive attitude towards Guchkov, appreciating his intelligence and abilities. However, Guchkov allowed himself to make public the details of one private conversation with Nicholas II. Octobrist N.V. Savich testified: “Guchkov told many people, members of the faction at the Presidium of the State Duma about his conversation with the Tsar. The worst thing was that not only the facts in question were made public, but also some of the opinions expressed by the Emperor. The sovereign perceived the fact that his intimate conversation was published in the press as an insult, as a betrayal. He abruptly and dramatically changed his attitude towards Guchkov and became clearly hostile.” The extremely ambitious Guchkov harbored a grudge against the tsar, which by 1916 grew into hatred. The overthrow of Emperor Nicholas II from the throne by 1916 became almost an end in itself for Guchkov. In his quest to overthrow the king, he was ready to unite with any forces. The Emperor called Guchkov “Yuan Shikai”, after the Chinese revolutionary dictator, and considered him his personal enemy.
In 1912, Guchkov made a speech that contained extremely harsh attacks on G. E. Rasputin (after which Guchkov became a personal enemy of Empress Alexandra Feodorovna):
I want to say, I want to shout that the church is in danger and the state is in danger... You all know what a difficult drama Russia is going through... At the center of this drama is a mysterious tragicomic figure, as if a native of the other world or a relic of the darkness of centuries, a strange figure in the light of the 20th century ... In what ways did this man achieve a central position, seizing such an influence that external bearers of state and church power bow before... Grigory Rasputin is not alone; isn't there a whole gang behind him...?
At the end of 1912, he was not elected to the IV State Duma, but quickly evolved to an alliance with the Constitutional Democratic Party on an opposition basis. After failure in the Duma elections in Moscow, Guchkov also refused to run for a seat in the Moscow City Duma.
February Revolution
In the last months of the existence of the monarchy, he was the author and organizer of a palace coup, the purpose of which was, using connections with a number of military leaders (M.V. Alekseev, N.V. Ruzsky, etc.), to force Nicholas II to abdicate the throne (the abdication of the latter in favor of the heir- Tsarevich Alexei during the regency of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich). In fact, in the first days of March 1917, his plan was implemented; the main characters were Guchkov himself, generals Alekseev and Ruzsky. The reign of Nicholas II and the monarchical form of government in Russia were over.
Minister of War
In March - May 1917 he was Minister of War and Navy in the first composition of the Provisional Government, a supporter of continuing the war. On his initiative, a large-scale purge of the command staff took place, during which both incapable generals and military leaders who were demanding of their subordinates were dismissed. I tried to promote relatively young, energetic generals to command posts [ ] . Initiated the abolition of national, religious, class and political restrictions on the promotion to officers. Legalized some provisions of “Order No. 1” adopted by the Petrograd Council of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies, which undermined discipline in the army - on the abolition of the titles of officers (instead, the form of address “Mr. Colonel (General, etc.)” was introduced), on the renaming of “lower ranks” into "soldiers" and the obligations of officers to address them as "you", about allowing military personnel to participate in political organizations. He opposed the activities of soldiers' committees in the army, but was forced to agree to their legitimation.
In April 1917, due to the inability to resist the anarchy and disintegration of the army, he decided to resign; officially left the Provisional Government in May, together with P. N. Milyukov. Guchkov’s activities as minister disappointed many of his contemporaries, who saw in him a strong personality and hoped that he would be able to maintain the combat effectiveness of the army.
After resigning from the post of minister, he again headed the Central Military-Industrial Committee. The French Ambassador to Russia Maurice Paleologue wrote that
Guchkov's resignation marks nothing more nor less than the bankruptcy of the Provisional Government and Russian liberalism. Soon Kerensky will be the unlimited ruler of Russia... waiting for Lenin.
Later he was an active supporter of the speech of General L. G. Kornilov, after his defeat he was briefly arrested and soon released. He donated 10 thousand rubles to General M.V. Alekseev for the formation of the Alekseevskaya organization, and campaigned to join its ranks.
Activities during the Civil War
He lived in Kislovodsk and was forced to hide from the Bolshevik authorities in Essentuki under the guise of a Protestant pastor. Then he got to Ekaterinodar to the location of the Volunteer Army, established the work of military-industrial committees, and advised A.I. Denikin on political issues.
Emigrant
In 1919, Denikin sent Guchkov as his representative to Europe to communicate with the leaders of the Entente countries. As a representative of the white movement, he was received by French President Raymond Poincaré and British Secretary of War Winston Churchill. Participated in organizing the supply of British weapons and equipment for the Russian North-Western Army of General
GUCHKOV ALEXANDER IVANOVICH
Guchkov, Alexander Ivanovich - politician (born in 1862), son of a wealthy Moscow merchant-Old Believer; completed a course at Moscow University in the Faculty of History and Philology. He is the head of a large Moscow trading company and a member of the boards and councils of various joint-stock enterprises. Went to Asia Minor during the Armenian massacre; during the war between the British and the Boers, he fought in the ranks of the Boers and was wounded quite seriously in the leg; in 1903 he traveled to Macedonia during the uprising; in 1904 - 1905, as a representative of the Red Cross, he was at the theater of war with the Japanese; at Mukden he was captured. For many years he was a Moscow city councilor, and for some time he was a member of the Moscow city government. During the strike movement in the fall of 1905, Guchkov spoke out very sharply against the strike at one of the zemstvo congresses. In October 1905, Guchkov was one of the main organizers of the October 17 Union and was elected chairman of its central committee. He founded the Octobrist newspaper "Voice of Moscow", in which he waged a stubborn struggle against the Cadets; Later he became a shareholder in the Novoye Vremya publishing house. In December 1905, during a discussion in the Moscow City Duma of the issue of measures regarding the Moscow uprising, he defended the course of action of Governor General Dubasov and expressed the opinion that no demands should be made on the government, but that one should meet him halfway. While defending the need for liberal measures, Guchkov, at the same time, at the union congress on October 17, February 1906, defended a resolution that, among other things, said: “exceptional cases require exceptional measures; the government is obliged to respond to revolutionary violence, to an armed uprising with energetic suppression; it may even introduce martial law." In a letter to the editors of Novoye Vremya, published on October 10, 1906, Guchkov, without unconditionally justifying the dissolution of the First Duma, insisted that this did not mark a turn of the government towards reaction, and that the government program, in general, was liberal. Unable to get into the State Duma in Moscow under the electoral law of 1905, Guchkov at the end of 1906, in order to acquire a qualification, rented a flour mill in Kashira district, Tula province, but this qualification was protested by the governor, and in the Second Duma Guchkov missed. In May 1907, he was elected by representatives of industry and trade as a member of the State Council, but in October 1907 he refused this title, preferring to stand as a candidate for the III State Duma, where he was elected by the first city curia of the city of Moscow. In the State Duma, as the leader of the Octobrist party, he immediately occupied a very prominent position. Almost all the time he was a member of the state defense commissions (he was chairman of it until 1910), the budget commission and a number of others, and he did not refuse to participate in the first even while he was chairman of the State Duma. In the ranks of the Octobrist party, he occupied a place rather on the right flank, although Gololobov’s group (q.v.) accused him of hidden cadetism. With P.A. He maintained a close relationship with Stolypin until the latter’s death and, for the most part, supported his activities. However, he defended the freedom of the Old Believers and objected to new loans for the construction of battleships. His Duma activities brought him into constant conflicts with other deputies; he challenged Miliukov to a duel (the duel did not take place), insulted Count Uvarov and refused the challenge to arbitration, after which Uvarov challenged him to a duel (1909); Guchkov lightly wounded Uvarov and was sentenced to imprisonment in the fortress for 4 weeks, but by Imperial order he served only one week. March 8, 1910, after N.A.’s refusal. Khomyakov from the title of Chairman of the State Duma, Guchkov was elected to this post by a majority of 221 votes to 68. In his speech of gratitude for his election, Guchkov stated that he was a “convinced adherent of the constitutional-monarchical system,” that the Duma would have to “take into account, and perhaps even reckon with the state council,” and promised to protect “that independence of speech, freedom of criticism, which is associated with Tribune" of the State Duma. As chairman, he allowed greater freedom of speech than his predecessor Khomyakov and successor Rodzianko; however, his tolerance towards the right was greater than towards the left. The greatest dissatisfaction of the latter was caused by the fact that he allowed deputy Obraztsov to slander students and female students, talking without evidence about some Athens evenings, etc. However, the right also often protested against his tolerance towards the left. He did not have to “settle” with the State Council, and he did not even show in any way the seriousness of this intention. After in March 1911, the meetings of the State Duma and the State Council were interrupted for three days to carry out, in accordance with Article 87 of the Basic Law, a bill on zemstvos in the western provinces, Guchkov, in protest, resigned as chairman and again became an ordinary deputy . In the elections to the IV Duma in 1912, he was not elected. In 1912 he was elected a member of the St. Petersburg City Duma. V. V-v.
Brief biographical encyclopedia. 2012
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(Alexander, ????????????), called the Great, king of Macedonia and conqueror of Asia, was born in Pella in 356 BC. He was ... - ALEXANDER
Alexander, ALEXANDER1) see Paris; 2) nephew of the tyrant Polyphron of Pheraeus (in Thessaly), killed him and himself became a tyrant in 369... - ALEXANDER in the Directory of Characters and Cult Objects of Greek Mythology:
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Byzantine emperor of the Macedonian dynasty, who reigned in 912-913. Son of Vasily I. Died June 6, 913. Alexander reigned with Constantine, ... - GUCHKOV in 1000 biographies of famous people:
Alexander Ivanovich (1862-1936). Russian entrepreneur, founder and leader of the Union of October 17 (Octobrist party, expressing the interests of the big bourgeoisie and part of the landowners). ... - IVANOVICH in the Pedagogical Encyclopedic Dictionary:
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Alexander Yaroslavich Nevsky. - 2nd son of Grand Duke Yaroslav Vsevolodovich, great-grandson of Monomakhov, b. On May 30, 1220, during the Grand Duchy of Vladimir there was... - ALEXANDER in the Modern Encyclopedic Dictionary:
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IVANOVIC (Ivanovici) Joseph (Ion, Ivan) (1845-1902), rum. musician, military conductor. orchestras. Author of the popular waltz "Danube Waves" (1880). In the 90s ... - GUCHKOV in the Big Russian Encyclopedic Dictionary:
GUCHOV Nick. Iv. (1860-1935), grew up. society and watered. activist, entrepreneur. Brother A.I. Guchkova. He served on the boards of a number of joint stock companies. about, in... - GUCHKOV in the Big Russian Encyclopedic Dictionary:
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- IVANOVICH
(Ivanovici) Joseph (Ion, Ivan) (1845-1902), Romanian musician, conductor of military bands. Author of the popular waltz “Danube Waves” (1880). In the 90s ... - GUCHKOV in the Modern Explanatory Dictionary, TSB:
Alexander Ivanovich (1862-1936), Russian capitalist, leader of the Octobrists. Deputy and since 1910 chairman of the 3rd State Duma. In 1907 and since...
Guchkov's ancestors - convinced Old Believers - suffered greatly for their faith, which Alexander Ivanovich never forgot, and therefore always helped the Old Believers. Moreover, he himself was a “co-religionist” (a form of Old Belief with which the Russian Orthodox Church got along quite well). However, his father already successfully fit into the autocratic-Orthodox reality. And with his merchant acumen he amassed a lot of capital.
Finally, he became a member of the Provisional Government, receiving the portfolios of military and naval ministers.
However, the son seems to have inherited from his father not only capital, but also an adventurous streak. The father kidnapped his French wife and took her to Russia. And Guchkov himself, although he graduated from the purely peaceful Faculty of History and Philology of Moscow University, became famous for his military exploits, dangerous adventures and duels.
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In 1895, during the Armenian pogroms, he went to the Ottoman Empire, where he helped the victims, although it was far from safe. The next year he reached Tibet and even spoke with the Dalai Lama. Then he entered the service as an officer of the Cossack hundred - to guard the construction of the Chinese Eastern Railway (CER). Then, together with his brother, he traveled through China, Mongolia and Central Asia. It was also a risky business: there were quite a few warlike nomads there at that time.
In 1899 he took part in the Anglo-Boer War on the side of the Boers.
He was seriously wounded in the thigh (and then limped for the rest of his life) and was captured. But when he got stronger, he was released by the gentlemen on his word of honor: no longer to fight on the side of the Boers. During the Russo-Japanese War he became one of the leaders of the Red Cross in the Manchurian Army. And again he was captured. But already voluntarily. When the Russians retreated from Mukden, he did not want to leave the wounded who did not have time to evacuate: he considered it important to hand them over to the Japanese in accordance with international standards. They, appreciating Guchkov’s courage, quickly released him. Returned to Moscow as a national hero.
Many accused Alexander Ivanovich of adventurism and a craving for thrills, but no one could deny this man courage. A listing of all the adventures of Guchkov, and what is told above is not all, and even the stories of his numerous duels - all this requires a different format. Perhaps an adventure novel.
However, in national history Guchkov remained primarily as a major politician.
Although here with a very ambiguous image. Not only differences in views affected, but also the character of Guchkov, who often went ahead. He even challenged the leader of the cadets to a duel, however, after five days of negotiations through seconds, they somehow came to an agreement.
After the Manifesto of October 17, 1905, Alexander Guchkov became the leader: “We, constitutionalists, do not see in the establishment of a constitutional monarchy any diminishment of royal power; on the contrary, in the updated state forms we see the introduction of this power to a new splendor, the revelation of a glorious future."
However, unlike the liberal Miliukov, the conservative Guchkov filled the term “constitutional monarchy” with much different content. For example, he fundamentally opposed general and direct elections, believing that the majority of the Russian population was not ready for them.
Relations with I were at first friendly and then hostile. There were rumors that Guchkov had the imprudence to tell someone about confidential moments of his conversations with the emperor. Rumors got into the press, which the tsar could not forgive Guchkov, but how accurate this information is is not very clear.
Alexander Ivanovich himself stubbornly denied these rumors and believed that his break with the sovereign was caused by other reasons.
Perhaps his harsh and caustic attitude influenced him: “You all know,” he said in the Duma, “what a difficult drama Russia is going through. At the center of this drama is a mysterious tragicomic figure, as if from the other world.” Perhaps the harsh criticism of the tsarist officials responsible for the state of the Russian army had an impact. And here there was a duel. Guchkov openly called the then Minister of War (Sukhomlinov) a German agent.
Finally, a number of sources call him one of those who prepared the palace coup: they wanted to push aside the imperial couple and transfer power under the regency. Guchkov was even under surveillance. In secret police reports, he went by the nickname Sanitarny among the spies - a memory of Manchuria.
Guchkov (together with Shulgin) accepted the abdication of the Tsar personally. And it is possible that at that moment I felt considerable satisfaction. But then, after Grand Duke declared that he would wear the crown if only the democratically elected Constituent Assembly wanted it, Guchkov experienced not just disappointment, but real shock. It turned out that history had completely different plans than he did. This happens to politicians. And often.
Agreeing to the post of Minister of War, Guchkov had no idea what he would have to face.
He did not participate in the negotiations with the Petrograd Soviet, he led them, and upon learning the results of the agreement, he attacked the cadet, accusing him of criminal compliance. Guchkov believed that it was necessary to talk to the Soviets extremely harshly, otherwise they would inevitably sit on the neck. Here, to the delight of the future Minister of War, was added the famous one, who was destroying the army, replacing unity of command with the power of elected soldiers' committees.
Each of them was right in their own way. Miliukov believed that in the chaos that was happening around, the agreement was a successful result. There was hope to lead the revolutionary flow into an orderly channel.
Therefore, it took Miliukov a long time to persuade Guchkov to give it a try. He reluctantly agreed, but from that moment on the optimist became a pessimist. He explained his state at that time in his memoirs as follows: “The provisional government hung in the air, above was emptiness, below was an abyss. It gave the impression of some kind of impostor.”
For a few months, the logic worked, albeit poorly, but the country temporarily entered some kind of framework. And in military terms, Guchkov turned out to be right. He accepted some changes, therefore he abolished national, religious and class restrictions on the promotion to officers, but he did not imagine the army without unity of command. Having become convinced that he could not eliminate anarchy in the army, he resigned. As the French Ambassador Paleologue noted, “Guchkov’s resignation marks nothing more or less than bankruptcy
Biography
GUCHKOV Alexander Ivanovich (October 14, 1862 - February 14, 1936 (all dates before February 1918 are given in the old style), Russian statesman, political and military figure. Born in Moscow in the family of an Old Believer merchant. Graduated from the historical and philological Faculty of Moscow University. In 1885-1886. military service. In 1899 he was a volunteer in the Anglo-Boer War (on the Boer side). In 1903 he fought in Macedonia against the Turks. During Russo-Japanese War 1904-1905 - Commissioner of the Red Cross. Was captured by the Japanese. After his release, he returned to Moscow and became involved in active political activity. In November 1905 he became one of the founders of the Union of October 17th. In May 1907 he was elected to the State Council, in November - to the III State Duma, of which he was chairman from March 1910 to March 1911. During the First World War, in 1915-1917 - Chairman of the Central Military-Industrial Committee and member of the Special Conference on Defense.
During the February Revolution A.I. Guchkov together with V.V. Shulgin took part in the act of abdication of the throne of Nicholas II. In the first composition of the Provisional Government, Guchkov was appointed Minister of War and Navy on March 2, 1917. He carried out a number of measures to democratize the army: the abolition of titles for officers, permission for soldiers and officers to participate in various unions and societies, the abolition of national, religious, class and political restrictions on promotion to officers, etc. He was a supporter of the continuation of the war. On April 30, 1917, Guchkov resigned and in May was relieved of his official duties. After October revolution 1917 - in exile, took an active part in supporting the white movement.