A politician can already write a statement “of his own free will”
The head of Dagestan, Ramazan Abdulatipov, confirmed his intention to resign. According to him, the main reason for this decision was age - this year the head of the region turns 71 years old. Previously, the media reported about the possible imminent resignation of 10 governors as part of a policy to form a new generation of managers.
Ramazan Abdulatipov, in an interview with Moscow Speaks, confirmed rumors about his resignation. The politician said that he could submit applications today. “The reasons for resignation are that I have reached age, I am already 71 years old. I think this is the reason,” the politician explained, noting that “on all other issues the republic is on the rise.”
Speaking about his future plans, Abdulatipov said that he intends to engage in scientific and social activities. “Firstly, I worked as the head of the department at the Civil Service Academy. Secondly, I, in my opinion, am listed as a professor at Moscow State University and so on,” he said. The still-current head of Dagestan admitted that he was never fixated on his position.
Photo Mikhail Klimentyev / RIA Novosti
This is not the first time that the fight against corruption has been intensified in Dagestan - the rise to power of Ramazan Abdulatipov was also accompanied by tough measures against bribe-takers. He managed to do something, although the ex-head of Dagestan’s commitment to clanism, which gives rise to corruption, is undoubted. Will Abdulatipov share the fate of his arrested ministers or remain on the sidelines?
For the last two weeks, Dagestan has been living in tense anticipation. In early February, officers of the Federal Security Service of the Republic of the Russian Federation, with the force support of special forces of the FSB of the Russian Federation, detained and transported to Moscow the acting Prime Minister of the region Abdusamad Gamidov and his two deputies - Shamil Isaev and Rayudin Yusufov(the latter combined the post of Deputy Prime Minister with the post of Minister of Economy and Territorial Development of the Republic of Dagestan). To them, as well as to the Minister of Education of Dagestan Shakhabas Shakhov in the theft of funds from the budget of the republic for the implementation of social programs. The amount of damage is estimated 95 million rubles.
Several earlier, the mayor of Makhachkala was detained and arrested Musa Musaev and chief architect of the republican capital Magomedrasul Gitinov. A number of high-ranking officials and district heads were also detained and arrested.
Abdulatipov begins...
However, despite all the obvious intentions of the new Dagestan government to decisively break the corrupt system of clan governance, society is not completely sure that this time the matter will be brought to its logical conclusion. People remember very well how, five months after his appointment to the post of leader of Dagestan Ramazana Abdulatipova, a helicopter landed on the central square of Makhachkala, where special forces effectively “loaded” the then mayor.
Experts claim that it was Abdulatipov who initiated the destruction of the management system that developed in the early 90s. By the time of his appointment up to 60% of land were in shadow circulation. The unemployment rate was rising alarmingly, and tax collections into local and federal treasuries were also plummeting. It was under Abdulatipov that war was declared against illegal armed groups, which existed in almost every clan.
Ramazan Gadzhimuradovich initially positioned himself as a federal-level politician who enjoyed the confidence of the president. Having headed the republic, he immediately declared that his task was “renew Dagestan, wash Dagestan, cleanse Dagestan” . And he is fully guaranteed the support of the federal center.
The society also believed in its then leader. It would seem that the decisiveness of his actions spoke for itself. In a short time, almost all Dagestan banks through which billions of dollars were cashed were deprived of their license, and the head of the National Bank of the Republic Sirazhudin Ilyasov was forced to resign after two decades in office. A number of criminal cases have been opened against another representative of the local political establishment - the head of the Dagestan branch of the Russian Pension Fund Sagida Murtazalieva. It was under him that the number of “young pensioners” sharply increased in Dagestan.
The considerable merit of the ex-president of Dagestan lies in the fact that under him the most decisive measures were taken to eliminate the most famous gang leaders, terrorizing the local population for years. Before this, they quite successfully evaded persecution by official security forces.
It should be noted that the topic of the gang underground is especially pressing for this North Caucasus region. In Dagestan it has its own specifics. Most gangs arose under the auspices of one clan or another and relied on its support in their activities. In the 90s, many Dagestani officials were forced to create paramilitary groups for their own protection. Subsequently, members of these groups became interested in the ideas of Islam, mainly of a radical kind. After Moscow decided to restore order in Dagestan, it encountered serious armed resistance. The confrontation lasted for several years.
...but doesn't win
Attempts to solve the problem in various ways were nevertheless made. With the active support of local officials, a “Commission for the adaptation to peaceful life of persons who decided to stop terrorist and extremist activities on the territory of Dagestan” was created, similar to the commission for the adaptation of militants in Chechnya. Only in this way, according to the same officials, was it possible to return people “from the forest”, where they drove them.
However, the commission very quickly turned into another corruption "feeding trough". Abdulatipov closed the program for the adaptation of militants, which caused serious dissatisfaction with that part of the local bureaucratic and political elite, which from this process received considerable dividends. A massive information attack began on the head of the region.
It is worth noting that the ex-president himself and his entourage gave very serious reasons for this. The places of the detained corrupt officials were taken by others. Having started with statements about the need to attract new personnel, in reality the head of the republic relied on the familiar clan system. And after a short time, corruption and bribery returned to normal.
The now arrested Hamidov, who before his “premiership” served as Minister of Finance and was involved in a number of corruption scandals, was appointed as the new head of government. The Cabinet of Ministers included representatives of various clans, known in Dagestan, to put it mildly, for their not too picky in matters of compliance with the law. In full accordance with clan principles, Abdulatipov did not forget about his own relatives and acquaintances: the same Minister of Education Shahabas Shakhov was considered his old friend, and the number of immigrants from Abdulatipov’s small homeland-Tlyaratina region - in the corridors of Dagestan power has increased sharply.
Time will show?
Today, new high-profile arrests are expected in Dagestan society. Many believe that the next one should be the former head of the republic. However, a number of experts suggest that the situation is not so clear-cut. It is still unclear whether Moscow will give the go-ahead for the active development of Abdulatipov.
On the one hand, there are many serious questions about it. In addition, Dagestan is the second recipient of transfers after Crimea. In just 11 months of 2017, the region received over 70 billion federal rubles. The subsidy level is almost 70%. It is clear that federal funds are spent extremely inefficiently. It is clear that business using budget money is one of the main sources of shadow income for the elite, and attempts to change this vicious trend, if made, were ineffective.
On the other hand, there are undeniable achievements. We have already talked about the active fight against gangs. In addition, according to data for January-November 2017, the average per capita income of the population of Dagestan reached 36 thousand rubles. On average in Russia this figure is 31 thousand rubles. Statistics on the unemployment rate in Dagestan for September-November 2017 are 11,7% , while in Ingushetia - 27%, in Chechnya - 14%.
What exactly - achievements or failures - will determine the fate of the former leader of Dagestan Ramazan Abdulatipov? According to experts, most likely, his past achievements will still outweigh the list of failures.
In recent weeks, Ramazan Abdulatipov has been extremely active. The feeling that he found himself in his own and familiar element intensified with each of his participation in various public events: either he taught philosophical wisdom to the participants of the republican parent meeting, then in an impressive hat he released pigeons in Derbent, or he lit a pipe of peace with the Akhvakh Indians at the Tarho festival, he opened a volleyball tournament... By the end of the fourth year of his reign, the head of the republic decisively set about clearing his problem assets to zero.
Those who follow the activities of the head of Dagestan on a daily basis cannot help but notice the obvious tilt in his priorities. Ramazan Abdulatipov Recently, he has practically ceased to be involved in public management in the republic.
He pointedly does not notice seemingly indicative and glaring problems, such as, for example, the investigation (or rather, the lack thereof) of the murder of two shepherd brothers Gasanguseinovs in Shamilsky district. By and large, he ignored the conflict between the Avars and Chechens in the village of Leninaul, and paid attention to the fire victims of the village of Mokok (however, intangible) only when they made threats of possible protests in Moscow. But what the head of the region has not yet given up on is personnel reassignments and attempts to approve the maximum number of his people in leadership positions, including municipal ones.
The elections of heads of two municipalities of the republic - Buinaksk and Kumtorkalinsky district - are accompanied by legal proceedings. The current situation clearly shows that administrative resources in Dagestan can suppress not only the decisions of lower levels of government, but also the Themis, which is formally independent from the executive bodies.
On Monday, August 28, deputies of the Buinaksk city assembly unanimously elected the head of the municipality Islamudina Nurgudayeva. In total, seven candidates applied for the position of head of the city, but the competition commission for selecting candidates was chaired by the head of the legal department of the administration of the head and government of the Republic of Dagestan Anvara Khalilova and Head of the Department for Local Self-Government of the AGP Kurbana Nazhmutdinova I eliminated four of them.
Three candidates reached the finals, that is, the second stage - presentation to deputies of the city assembly, as well as the publication of their development program for Buinaksk: the acting head of the city Islamudin Nurgudayev, his first deputy Rasul Khanov, as well as the ex-chief of the traffic police of Dagestan, acting. O. head of the Kizlyar region (as of August 2) Rasul Gazimagomedov. As a result of these procedures, all 18 deputies voted for Nurgudayev. Let us remind you that the Buinaksk City Assembly consists of 21 deputies and 3 of them previously resigned.
Immediately before the competition commission and voting on candidates, the question arose about the competence of holding a session of the city meeting of deputies. In particular, on August 24 (Thursday), the judge of the Sovetsky District Court of Makhachkala Askerali Arslanaliev issued to two ex-deputies of the Buinaksk City Assembly - Abdulla Huseynov And Eldar Aliyev– a writ of execution, according to which the bailiffs were to suspend the competition for the selection of candidates for the post of head of Buinaksk “until the end of the trial.” Earlier, Huseynov and Aliyev filed an administrative claim in court to declare illegal the holding of the 23rd regular session of the Assembly of Deputies of Buinaksk of the sixth convocation. They dispute both the procedure for holding the session and the number of members of the meeting. In their opinion, the Assembly does not have a competent composition.
The writ of execution to suspend the selection competition, according to persons close to the applicants, was submitted to the administration and city council on August 25 (Friday) at approximately 15:00. (The signature of the speaker of the Buinaksk City Assembly indicates the receipt of the writ of execution on this day Temirlana Temirkhanova under the resolution to initiate enforcement proceedings.) According to them, Nurgudayev, after presenting him with a writ of execution, urgently left for Makhachkala. Subsequently (if you believe the chronology of events), two hours before the end of the working day, lawyers from the administration and the city assembly were able to appeal the suspension decision and get it cancelled.
“How they were able to do this is unclear, because, according to our information, the judge was not in the courthouse at that time...”– say people close to the applicants.
One way or another, before the deputies began voting on the submitted candidates, Anvar Khalilov said that the current procedure was taking place within the framework of the law, since the writ of execution to suspend the competition commission had been cancelled.
Kumtorkalinsky coup
A new turn in the struggle for power is expected in the Kumtorkala region.
Let us recall that on July 10 of this year, after almost four months of political turmoil with numerous episodes of interference from the republican center and retaliatory protests by part of the local population, he was elected head of the district by a unanimous decision of deputies. Magomed Bammatov, who had previously served one term. However, this event turned out to be an unpleasant surprise not only for Bammatov’s local opponents, but also for the White House.
On August 11, judge of the Kumtorkalinsky District Court Nurmagomed Kamalov made a decision on the claim of a local resident Magomed Ibrakova to the district assembly and the competition commission for the selection of candidates to challenge decisions, actions (inaction) regarding the election of the head of the Moscow Region and the protection of voting rights. By the court's ruling, one of Bammatov's potential rivals was allowed to participate in the case as co-plaintiffs Ainutdin Zainutdinov and the above Anvar Khalilov.
The plaintiffs asked the court to consider the decision of the assembly deputies dated June 15, 2017 to appoint a repeat competition for the position of head of the Moscow Region, as well as the protocol of the competition commission for the selection of candidates, invalid. Having examined all the materials, the court found that the Kumtorkalin deputies, among other things, made illegal decisions, in particular, they were guided by regulations that had not entered into force. The regulations approved by the meeting of deputies were not published.
In this regard, the claims were partially satisfied. That is, the decision of the representative body to call a repeat competition was declared illegal. The court also found serious violations in the inaction of deputies in forming the personal composition of the competition commission and notifying the head of the republic about the beginning of its formation. In addition, the announcement of the competition, as well as the protocol on the selection of candidates for the post of head of the Ministry of Defense dated July 10, were declared illegal, and the competition itself on the same date was declared invalid.
The last significant point in Judge Kamalov’s verdict is the recognition of the decision of the deputies of the district assembly to elect the head of the district, that is, Magomed Bammatov, as illegal. There is one month to appeal this verdict to the Supreme Court of Dagestan, and there is no doubt that this is exactly what will happen.
"Local victories"and "new horizons"
It should be added to this that the point in the question of the mayor of Buinaksk became a kind of personal victory for the head of Dagestan Ramazan Abdulatipov in a separate local battle, but it is hardly possible to talk about any strategic success. Let us note that Nurgudayev became the fourth person whom Abdulatipov literally seated in the chair of the Buinaksk mayor in less than three years. At the same time, the head of the republic also called all his previous favorites highly effective managers, but after a certain time he started a war with them, often descending to offensive extremes. At the same time, you need to understand that over the past three years, a protest electorate has been methodically forged in Buinaksk and political confrontation here has become a kind of folk pastime. Every “disgraced” mayor - Huseyn Gamzatov, Osman Osmanov And Zakarya Amirov– now has very strong human resources, which at the right time are ready to immediately join the fight. This was shown to some extent by the latest visit to Buinaksk by a State Duma deputy Gadzhimurada Omarova, when over 1000 people gathered to meet him, and this, I think, is far from the limit. And the deputy corps of Buinaksk showed that it is able to quickly respond to market changes and go with the flow of the political figure who is able to provide a broader channel.
In our opinion, the only strengthener of Nurgudayev’s position is that he, like Abdulatipov, comes from the Tlyaratino region. But this same trump card can also become his weakness. And instant. Under a new regional leader. And here the boxing past of the mayor of the city can hardly help.
Let us note that the Sovetsky District Court of Makhachkala is considering the administrative claim of ex-deputies of the Buinaksk City Assembly and it is possible that it, like the Kumtorkalinsky District Court, may consider the work of the competition commission and the meetings of the deputies illegal. And then what? Another instability?..
The situation in the Kumtorkala region may turn out to be even more confusing. On the one hand, Magomed Bammatov, who, although he did not have sufficient charisma, independence and, most importantly, the support of the population, but, having almost the entire deputy corps loyal to himself, was, in fact, able to knock out the seat from under Ainutdin Zainutdinov, whose question the appointment was practically decided at the White House level. Not without material guarantees on his part. Therefore, it is unlikely that he will refuse further attempts to transfer the ball to someone else's field. And he, presumably, has already made his first successful translation (winning the case). The fact that the legal department of the administration of the head and government of the Republic of Dagestan in the person of Anvar Khalilov, who is the direct conductor of the center’s personnel policy, is actively on his side, means that the republican leadership is also extremely interested in “correcting the crookedness”.
On the other hand, there is a territory located in one of the most advantageous (in terms of geography, transport logistics and infrastructure) parts of the republic. The Torkalinskaya Plain attracts officials of all levels and stripes with one valuable resource - land. We will tell you in the coming issues that it was under Bammatovo that agricultural lands (pastures and arable lands) began to be sold off and squandered here. Instead of expanding and developing, the main agricultural enterprises in the region are stuck in difficult lawsuits for land and property. Agricultural lands, in fact, have ceased not only to be useful, but also to exist, having become the subject of everyday bargaining.
Almost everywhere, former cultivated areas and pastures are being sold off for individual development, the village is degrading, young people, having barely matured, take off in search of a better life. But the basis of the strategic struggle in the region is land for various types of investment projects. Already by this day, the beneficiaries of big business in the Kumtorkala region are not only well-known Dagestani tycoons, but also the current leaders of the republic, and therefore, new promising horizons are opening up here for those who control the situation through “their” municipal head...
He understands - he doesn’t understand...
As a matter of fact, Ramazan Abdulatipov has already made a number of serious omissions. For similar cases Vladimir Putin at the very least, he already dismissed several governors and other high-ranking officials with the wording “For loss of trust,” and at a minimum, he forced them to put on rubber boots and literally plowed them.
Remember how last year the president put the former head of Karelia in a corner Alexandra Khudilainen– reprimanded for violating obligations to organize the resettlement of citizens from emergency housing. For a similar mistake, the governor of the Trans-Baikal Territory was completely fired Konstantin Ilkovsky. Or how, during forest fires with scorched taiga villages, he put the leaders of the Far Eastern regions under a shovel and a pickaxe, demanding the construction of new houses and payment of compensation to fire victims. And they fell underground, but completed the task, because they were well aware of the cost of failure. However, exactly the same miscalculations in Dagestan have not yet caused the president to have obvious complaints against the leader of the republic. And, in our opinion, there is an explanation for this.
The political map in the region today, in our opinion, is as follows. Ramazan Abdulatipov is extremely tired and exhausted as a regional leader. Now he doesn’t understand what to do, and Moscow doesn’t understand who to be with. In this case, both sides will most likely do everything in order to end the game with a soft and mutually beneficial draw. Such a result would allow the head of the republic not to immediately bring down everything that he and his team have been broadcasting over all the microphones of meetings, forums and festivals for the last four years. And the Kremlin clearly understands that the only connecting element between Abdulatipov and the regional seat, his strength and support, is the Kremlin itself, and therefore, most likely, it will not make sudden personnel moves, so as not to publicly admit its own short-sightedness. Especially considering that the previous president of the republic was also removed from power early.
Firstly, Abdulatipov realized that the public in Dagestan was already pretty tired and had learned to distinguish between loud, populist statements and concrete actions and steps. And from an adept of the long-awaited salvation of the most vulnerable layers of society, in the eyes of the majority of the population, he turned into an ordinary politician. The incubation period for trust in government has sharply shortened. Without a doubt, the next leader of the republic (whoever it becomes) will have an extremely difficult time convincing people of successful social and economic reforms.
Secondly, it was only towards the end of his career that Abdulatipov realized that Moscow had already stopped responding to the continuous bell tower about a breakthrough in the Dagestan industry and economy without any reason. The year 2014 has gone down in history, when in order to maintain the reputation of a dedicated front-line soldier it was enough to be able to mobilize state employees under the banners of rallies shouting: “Crimea is ours!” The years 2015 and 2016 began to be forgotten, when the notorious daily and loud “import substitution” caused only anti-Western hysteria, but not a breakthrough in the economy. The center begins to get irritated, demanding real results. But there are serious problems with this.
At the same time, Abdulatipov understands perfectly well that his departure will entail a whole trail of harsh resignations from supporters, that his huge roadside portraits with patriotic sayings will disappear at once, he understands that his books will immediately cease to be reference books for ministers, heads of cities and regions. Nevertheless, Ramazan Abdulatipov will until the last strengthen himself locally with his people, counting on retaining the conquered assets and positions.
Another remarkable detail is that the head of Dagestan has recently practically stopped making critical remarks about those in whom he until recently saw almost the cause of all the troubles of the republic. Moreover, he established active and friendly rapprochement with some of them, for example, with the vice speaker of the Federation Council of the Russian Federation Ilyas Umakhanov, which, according to our information, caused a real commotion in the camp of his comrades. However, these steps also reveal Abdulatipov’s subtle, sublimated desire to strengthen his political flanks as much as possible.
But we must not forget one essential detail. Over the course of four years, Abdulatipov with his own hands created such a nomenklatura-bureaucratic system in which officials who were loyal to the head could suddenly find themselves betrayed by the head. Just like vice versa... ]§[
The head of Dagestan, Ramazan Abdulatipov, announced his readiness to resign early. Officially - upon reaching the service age limit (he turns 71 this year). However, the real reasons - and this is clear to everyone - are completely different: Abdulatipov failed to cope with his duties. A mistake made during his appointment led to years of erroneous actions in one of the most unstable Russian regions.
“All my life I knew that I would be the head of Dagestan, my people were waiting for me,” the newly appointed head of the republic, 67-year-old certified philosopher and State Duma deputy Ramazan Abdulatipov, told Novaya Gazeta in February 2013. This and subsequent absurd statements in the spirit of “I came to free the Dagestanis from twenty years of slavery” already made it clear: Abdulatipov perceives his appointment too poetically.
Having lived his entire life outside of Dagestan, Abdulatipov had an unerring sense of nomenclature. A teacher of scientific communism in the department of agitation and propaganda of the Murmansk Regional Committee of the CPSU, Chairman of the Council of Nationalities of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR, for a short time - Minister of National Policy, Senator from the Saratov Region, Ambassador of the Russian Federation to Tajikistan, Rector of the Moscow University of Culture and Arts, Abdulatipov did not have the slightest idea, what is happening in his small homeland. Accordingly, he did not have his own clan, which means he acted as a compromise figure.
It was this, in addition to his long-standing and close acquaintance with Vyacheslav Volodin (at that time, the first deputy head of the presidential administration of the Russian Federation), that served as the main argument for his appointment as head of the republic in 2013.
At first, Abdulatipov's appointment was received with enthusiasm in the republic. Hopes for change were pinned on him. And the level of his support among the population was high - about 75%. However, almost immediately after the arrival of the new head in Dagestan and his first decisions, hopes began to fade. Just a few years later, Abdulatipov’s rating barely reached 10%.
At the same time, Ramazan Abdulatipov, in his numerous interviews, tirelessly talked about the unprecedented successes of his personal brainchild - the program for economic renewal and cleansing the republic of clanism and corruption.
Abdulatipov immediately announced the fight against clanism. He acted subtly: sometimes with behind-the-scenes intrigues, sometimes with the help of the center. At the same time, outwardly he was completely removed from the processes, which allowed him to save face. As, for example, in the case of the key political figure of the republic, the mayor of Makhachkala Said Amirov. His demonstrative arrest in the summer of 2013 turned into a show. When a helicopter with special forces landed on the central square of Makhachkala in the middle of the working day, this picture was broadcast on all federal channels. And the head of Dagestan himself at that time was at a football match in Grozny and commented with indignation on the events taking place at home.
Searches in the houses of another influential politician from the Avar clan, the former head of the Dagestan pension fund Sagid Murtazaliev and his son-in-law, head of the Kizlyar district of the republic Andrei Vinogradov, also turned into another show. Federal special forces stormed these houses.
In economics, Abdulatipov failed to create a team of competent specialists. Over the past year, the republic’s gas debts have grown catastrophically—the initiative of the head of Dagestan to create a new network company failed miserably.
Inept flirtations with Russian oligarchs of Dagestani origin Ziyaudin Magomedov and Suleiman Kerimov led to the fact that oil transshipment through the Makhachkala port (the largest ice-free port in our country) practically ceased, and its cargo turnover fell to catastrophic levels. At the same time, Abdulatipov’s team cheerfully reported plans to extract millions of tons of oil on the undeveloped Caspian shelf.
The situation is similar in agriculture. For example, according to Abdulatipov, last year the republic produced about 60 thousand tons of lamb. The average weight of a ram is about 20 kilograms. To produce 60 thousand tons, it is necessary to put under the knife approximately 3 million heads, more than half of the republican herd (5.3 million heads). Clearly there is something wrong with this figure.
Last summer, the multimillion-dollar city of Makhachkala faced a disaster. As a result of heavy rains, the city was flooded. It turned out that all the drains in the city were clogged, garbage had not been removed for months, which caused sewage to enter the water supply. A massive epidemic of E. coli began. According to Novaya's sources, the garbage removal was carried out by a company affiliated with the son of the head of Dagestan. As a result, all the blame, who, however, was soon released from arrest, and soon he took a post in the administration of Makhachkala.
In March of this year, Dagestan once again thundered throughout the country with the massive and brutal shooting of stray dogs (in which, according to Novaya, young people “from the city administration” took an active part). It turned out that the multimillion-dollar sums allocated annually for the maintenance of homeless animals disappeared into thin air, and the city was on the verge of disaster. No one was punished.
The last elections in Dagestan were held with a scandal throughout the country. The scale of the impudent falsifications was such that the head of the Central Election Commission, Ella Pamfilova, personally went there.
“If elections are held in the same way as in Dagestan,<…>“then the head of the republic is fully responsible for this,” she said following the trip. However, Ramazan Abdulatipov remained unperturbed in this case as well.
It should be noted that Abdulatipov was tireless in the creative field. Over the course of four years, he published several books about himself, and obligatory public viewing performances of his plays were given in theaters in Makhachkala.
“There was no better leader in Dagestan than me!”, “My position is Abdulatipov!” - he talked about his style of government.
There was still exactly one year left before the end of Abdulatipov's term of office. According to federal and regional legislation, the head of Dagestan is elected by the republican parliament - the People's Assembly of the Republic of Dagestan. Three candidates for the position of head of the republic must be submitted to the APR by political parties (United Russia, A Just Russia and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation) and be approved by Russian President Vladimir Putin. This whole procedure actually lasts a year.
Now several candidates are being named, the most obvious: the former head of Dagestan Magomedsalam Magomedov, who now holds a post in the presidential administration of the Russian Federation, and Deputy Prime Minister Alexander Khloponin, a man who understands the realities of the Caucasus. Other names are also mentioned. But one thing is already clear.
Dagestan still remains the most complex and unstable region of the Caucasus, with a tangle of complex problems that need, and most importantly, can be solved. At the same time, it is a region with great economic and human potential. A region that requires increased attention from Moscow and in return can repay it handsomely.
Four and a half years ago, the appointment of Ramazan Abdulatipov, a man who enjoyed authority even in the Central Committee of the CPSU, to the post of head of Dagestan, instilled hope in hundreds of thousands of residents of the republic. By the time of the sudden arrest of his predecessor Magomedsalam Magomedov, most of the Dagestanis were already very tired of poverty, unemployment, terrorist attacks and the brutally glamorous display of the local administrative elite. Abdulatipov was perceived as a “Moscow” experienced politician, not very involved in the struggle of clans, but well versed in local intricacies.
Then, at the end of January 2013, few could have imagined that a doctor of philosophy and socialist theorist, who had made a fantastic career - from a rural paramedic to deputy chairman of the Federation Council, the Russian government, and rector of a cultural university - would turn out to be the most criticized leader of Dagestan in the entire history of local government .
Unprecedented powers
Abdulatipov was appointed and. O. the President of the Republic as a proven, tough and knowledgeable person in administrative work. He was given such freedom of action that even the head of neighboring Chechnya, Ramzan Kadyrov, could not think of. The Ministry of Internal Affairs, the FSB, and the social and economic blocs of the Russian government were recommended to help the new head in everything. He could attract huge funds for any project. However, in the first two years of his work, the President of Dagestan managed to cause bewilderment with his actions in almost everyone - from housewives to the heads of the Presidential Administration.
Dagestan under Abdulatipov became a “base” for terrorists of all stripes - from ISIS, the Caucasus Emirate and small armed cells of radicals.
If Abdulatipov used his unlimited powers, it was not in the fight against Islamic radicalism and terrorism. During his reign, the number of residents of the republic who left to fight for the Islamic State (an organization banned in the Russian Federation) increased from one and a half hundred people to 1,200. In 2016 alone, the number of young people recruited by IS increased by 300 people. At the same time, local authorities had almost no control over the propaganda of radicalism and terrorism among the population. During Abdulatipov's presidency, three natives of Dagestan became prominent ISIS field commanders fighting in Iraq and Syria, including against Russian units. Abu Banat (Magomed Abdurakhmanov), a native of the village of Khadzhalmakhi, who previously worked at the Dagestan Center for Countering Extremism, was fired and then left for Aleppo, where he created his own terrorist cell. Another terrorist and religious preacher is Abu Zeid (Muhammad Akhmedov). Akhmedov preached unhindered for a long time in dozens of villages in the republic. And after he was informed about possible detention by security forces, he left to “work” in Syria. The most famous of those recruited by terrorists, and later becoming a field commander, is Al-Bara (Chamsulvara Chamsulvaraev). Chamsulvarayev was the European champion in freestyle wrestling in 2009 and a medalist at the World Championships. His “trick” was the recruitment of “suicide bombers.”
In recent years, all central media outlets have reported on the free existence of terrorist groups on the territory of Dagestan. But the leadership of the republic, judging by the sluggish reaction to what was happening, paid too little attention to this problem. It is not surprising that within a few months the activities of radicals quickly spread to the territory of Chechnya and Kabardino-Balkaria. In fact, Dagestan under Abdulatipov became a “base” for terrorists of all stripes - from ISIS, the Caucasus Emirate and small armed cells of radicals.
At the same time, Abdulatipov complained to journalists that he was “very limited in his capabilities” on the territory of the republic. But this did not stop his subordinates from siphoning huge sums from the budget under the guise of pensions for the disabled. Representatives of the President of the Republic’s team quickly mastered this scheme, registering disability for healthy people for a fee. And even the scandal with the head of the Pension Fund of the Republic of Dagestan, Saigida Murtazaliev, who was accused of putting the issuance of permits for compensation from the state on stream, did not immediately stop the running corruption machine.
Huge posters with his portrait and wise sayings hung throughout the republic; Abdulatipov’s books were in the most prominent places in the offices of local officials at all levels
Abdulatipov's resignation was predicted at the end of 2015, and in September 2016, and even at the end of August of this year. His departure was expected primarily due to the unstable political situation that arose after he appointed friends, fellow countrymen and relatives to key positions in the republic (home to 33 nations, each of which has its own language and traditions). “Our people” pulled together a chain of acquaintances and close associates, and the result was not a team of like-minded people, but a motley circle. It turned out that the president had almost no one to rely on both when carrying out strategically important political tasks and solving local problems. And the political elite itself, created by Abdulatipov, did not really trust their president. Apparently realizing that, if necessary, he could turn away from everyone except his closest associates.
The President of the Republic was given all kinds of honors, huge posters with his portrait and wise sayings hung throughout the republic, Abdulatipov’s books were in the most prominent places in the offices of local officials at all levels. But everyone understood that the rule of the Soviet ideologist could not be long for a number of serious reasons.
Plans and clans
At first, the discrepancies in Abdulatipov’s words and actions were attributed to his attempts to solve problems “with one right hand.” The first thing the new president promised was to dismiss all “penny-pinchers and bribe-takers” from the civil service. Then he said that he had begun to fragment the clans and would not allow informal relations to paralyze the system of government in the republic. When it came to appointments, it turned out that the “new” team consisted of eighty percent of the previous officials.
Six months later, the first wave of discontent swept through the republic. Residents began signing collective demands and petitions. And a year later, smile in response to Abdulatipov’s reports about the breakthrough growth of the Dagestan economy.
Cottage economy
Moscow began to demand concrete results from the republic, which has excellent agricultural and tourism potential. But the only thing the president could boast of was a reduction in the unemployment rate due to the fact that tens of thousands of adult men were forced to leave their families and go to work in other regions of Russia. Another growth indicator is that from 2012 to 2016 the number of crimes increased by 13%. Among the negative indicators is a decline in the birth rate by 8.4% over the same period.
The reason for the slow growth of the economy of this agricultural region was that the most fertile arable lands and pastures under Abdulatipov began to be built up with cottage villages. The villages that had previously lived off this land began to quickly become poor, there was nowhere to work, and young people, following the “urban ones,” left for large cities in Russia or went into the terrorist underground
There were also positive changes: the average salary in the republic increased by almost 40% (19 thousand rubles). And for the first time in many years, due to the federal policy on import substitution, the budget of Dagestan turned out to be in surplus.
But judging by the Kremlin’s restrained reaction, the positive trends were perceived with skepticism. And this is understandable: the republic, through which one of the busiest international transport routes in the world passes, has enormous agricultural potential due to the production of unique environmentally friendly food products, several climatic zones ideal for different types of tourism, including beach, almost does not develop the economy.
As it turned out, the reason for the slow growth of the economy of this agricultural region was that the most fertile arable lands and pastures under Abdulatipov began to be built up with cottage villages. The villages that had previously lived off this land began to quickly become poor, there was nowhere to work, and young people, following the “urban ones,” left for large Russian cities or went into the terrorist underground.
Not an investment, but a circus?
Interest in President Abdulatipov's projects in the Russian government faded quite quickly. The sources are silent about the reason why the republic has not received the potentially gigantic sums allocated for it. There was talk about too much of a “safety cushion” built in in case of corruption. But no one provided direct evidence of this. In any case, the Ministry of Energy refused to allow Abdulatipov to build a plant for the production of liquefied gas.
Rosneft prevented the transfer of land on the Caspian Sea coast from federal ownership to the republic. Gazprom has reduced the gasification program for Dagestan to a negligible 5 million rubles. RosHydro limited work to re-equipment of the Dagestan hydroelectric power station and completely “covered up” projects for the construction of new hydroelectric power stations.
Ramazan Abdulatipov planned to spend... 2 billion rubles on the circus in the coming months.
It is significant that all this happened against the backdrop of eccentric statements by the head of the republic regarding upcoming investments. The latest such proposal was a program to support circus arts. Ramazan Abdulatipov planned to spend... 2 billion rubles on the circus in the coming months.
Dove of happiness and peace pipe
“He let pigeons fly into the sky, spoke about the basics of philosophy at a republican parent meeting, admitted that he gave a bribe to Rosobrnadzor and even smoked a peace pipe with the Akhvakh Indians.”
Perhaps realizing that the current policy would result in resignation in the coming months and nothing could be done about it, the President of Dagestan decided to show the people his “human face.” As they say, leave behind a good memory. Ramazan Abdulatipov released doves into the sky, spoke about the basics of philosophy at a republican parent meeting, admitted that, and even smoked a peace pipe with the Akhvakh Indians.
The answer came almost immediately: two cases of illegal possession of weapons were opened against the Minister of Education of Dagestan and the head of the local Federal Antimonopoly Service, an attempt to discredit the mayor of Makhachkala by initiating a criminal case against his son
The response to all these performances by the president was rallies, appeals demanding the resignation of Abdulatipov and. Over the past year alone, Dagestanis have expressed dissatisfaction with what they believe is the open sale of government positions, the very high mortality rate in maternity hospitals, and the abuse of disabled children in boarding schools. The situation reached the point where Abdulatipov’s appointees also began to openly oppose the head of the republic. The answer came almost immediately: two cases of illegal possession of weapons were opened against the Minister of Education of Dagestan and the head of the local Federal Antimonopoly Service. There was also an attempt to discredit the mayor of Makhachkala after a criminal case was initiated against his son.
Simultaneously with the attempt to “press down” the dissatisfied, criminal cases continue to be initiated against officials from Abdulatipov’s own circle. Investigators accuse his proteges of a whole range of crimes: the head of the branch of the Russian Pension Fund for the republic, Sagid Murtazaliev, and the head of the Kizlyar district, Andrei Vinogradov, of involvement in murders and financing terrorism; five officials of the Tarumovsky district, together with the head of the district, Marina Abramkina, for fraud and abuse of power in the sale of a land plot. And it seems that these are only the first cases against Abdulatipov’s henchmen.
The string of resignations of governors that occurred this week was expected. It has been talked about for a long time that the list of dismissed regional heads was drawn up several months ago. But the list itself divides governors into two categories: reappointed governors - those who will take up their duties after the elections, and one hundred percent retirees - those who have decided to say goodbye forever. Ramazan Abdulatipov was included in the second list. And this is not surprising.