The article is devoted to the existence of Islam in Adjara and a description of its features. The specifics of Islam in the region are connected both with history and with modern processes in society. The work carried out a comparative analysis of the situation in two communities, where various factors influenced the preservation or weakening of religiosity. This analysis becomes especially relevant if we consider it in the context of the formation of interfaith relations, especially considering the current situation in Georgia.

Among all the ethnographic groups in Georgia, the Adjarians are the largest Muslim population. Despite the diversity of literature on this issue, aspects of the spread of Islam in Adjara have not yet been analyzed in detail. I tried to partially fill this gap.

An ethnological approach was used for the work. This method focuses interest on the culture and life of the people, especially in difficult situations(political crisis, contacts with marginalized groups), and makes it possible to establish relationships and talk with people without much difficulty. As contacts with informants became stronger, I also touched on “complex” topics without any problems.

During the field research, contact was first established with the “experts of life” in the communities under study. Subsequently, most of the information came from them. These people helped establish contacts with subsequent informants. Free in-depth interviews were conducted with representatives of the clergy (leadership staff, ordinary imams, madrasah teachers) and with believers (both deeply religious people and those who less strictly observe rituals), as well as with adherents of other religions living in the villages under study.

To strengthen the argument for generalizations, parallel studies were conducted in other communities. To collect information, I mainly used the interview method (mainly semi-structured, both individual and group), and conducted informal conversations. During the interview, I developed a specific guide, which later allowed me to more effectively compare the materials received. The questions were aimed at collecting information about Islam, mosques, and the peculiarities of the existence of religion. To better understand the situation, “participant observation” was carried out.

The description of the two selected communities (highland - Gordzhom and lowland - Khelvachauri) in the perspective of the activities of the mosque and clergy does not imply coverage of all aspects of their specificity due to the limited scope of the article. At the same time, a number of interesting issues have not yet been fully analyzed (for example, the relationship between politics and religion). More attention is paid here to under-researched topics.

For a holistic understanding of the process of the spread of Islam in Adjara and its characteristics, I would like to first give a brief historical information. Islam spread in Adjara during the period of conquest by the Ottoman Empire (XV-XIX centuries). But the process of its formation was difficult. According to N. Kakhidze, only in the 19th century did the conquerors manage to gain a foothold and begin building a stronghold of faith - mosques. In 1878, as a result of the Russian-Turkish war, according to the Treaty of San Stefano and the decisions of the Berlin Congress, the territories of the Georgian southwestern administrative units became part of Russian Empire. The duration of the process of strengthening the Russian Empire in the Caucasus was largely associated with the religious factor. Therefore, the tsarist government tried to determine its attitude towards Muslim communities and establish control over them in order to form loyalty to the government. This was done in three directions: “the creation of a spiritual administration, the training of Muslim personnel locally, and the restriction of travel abroad to receive religious education or a title.”

By the time of the liquidation of Georgian independence (1921), 158 mosques were operating in Adjara. By 1929, five higher madrasahs and 150 primary theological schools also functioned in Adjara. With the arrival of the new government, a new policy towards religion begins. And although over the next two years the number of religious schools will increase to 172, on the other hand, by decree of 1924, the Sharia court was abolished in Adjara and women’s committees were created. In 1926, religious subjects were removed from school courses. In the same year, the Muslim spiritual administration of Adjara was abolished, and in 1929, when the provision on universal education was adopted, the abolition of religious schools began. On July 20, 1929, the campaign to remove the veil was launched. The process of strengthening Soviet power was far from smooth, as evidenced by the anti-Soviet protests of 1925-30. (including pro-Turkish and pan-Islamic ones). By 1930, the Soviet government took control of the situation and then, already acting “on behalf of the people,” closed mosques. Mosque buildings are being rebuilt for economic (warehouse, store, etc.) or other needs (village council, hospital, etc.).

Despite the subsequent support of the population and clergy, the authorities did not have much confidence in the local population, especially the Muslims. Mass repressions did not spare Adjara either. Thus, in order to avoid aggravation of the situation, according to the resolution of the State Defense Committee of the USSR dated November 15, 1944, the Muslim population was evicted from the border zone, a total of 15,568 families (69,869 people), including 1,770 families from Adjara.

A change in attitude towards religion became noticeable in the 1950s and 60s, when the state allowed a certain freedom of religion. During this period, the Batumi Central Mosque reopens. However, there were no further major changes. New processes began in the late 1980s, when, with the policy of glasnost, religious communities were revived and mosques were restored (first they were restored as buildings, and then as places of worship). Since the 90s, a rapid process of re-Islamization began, characterized by the active restoration or construction of places of worship and religious educational institutions, an increase in the number of believers and people with religious education. The modern period of independent Georgia is characterized by tendentious uncertainty in religious policy along with a “special” attitude towards religious minorities.

Today, the specifics of Islam are reflected differently in different communities. The choice of research objects was determined by a number of factors: in both studied communities there are old mosques, which play an important role both for the region and for Adjara as a whole, which allows us to generalize the conclusions. These communities represent a wide spectrum of both clergy and ordinary believers; Upon observation, certain features emerge that are unique to these communities. All of the above considerations related to the methodology and specifics of the ethnological approach were formulated by me with the participation of N. Mgeladze, and the strategy for qualitative research - with the help of V. Voronkov. In the process of analysis, I was guided by the work of T. Saidbaev, which examined in detail the history of Islam and its influence on public life. The works of R. Andriashvili and G. Sanikidze were also important for the study. Methodologically, we were based on the approach of G. Chitay, which is based on three principles: “total description, historicism and ethnospecificity.” The works of L. Melikishvili and M. Kharshilav and the monograph by V. Semenova were also taken into account. When creating the text, I used field notes and other materials collected by me during research in individual villages.

Comparing those examples that allow us to understand the differences between mountain and lowland communities, I came to the conclusion that the main reason lies in the degree of accessibility of the city with its special cultural environment. The remote location influences, on the one hand, the nature of the work of state institutions (education, information, management, etc.), and on the other, on local characteristics (economy, everyday life, etc.). As is known, for the formation of civil, ethnic, religious or other identity, the connection between different parts of the territory plays an important role. If the connection between communities is lost or weakened, then isolated development forms a special specificity. Therefore, when comparing communities, it is important to determine the extent to which certain practices are understood differently within communities.

First, let's look at those characteristics, which interfere with the relationships and mutual influence of communities. The mountain village is located 9 km from the central highway, 14 km from the regional center, and 101 km from Batumi. As a result of the distance from the city and the complexity of the terrain, the road to the village is in very poor condition. Public transport is very limited and is represented by old buses (there are also minibuses), which, moreover, are used by the population for cargo transportation (agricultural products or related goods). The shuttle bus makes one trip per day. After 10 o'clock in the morning it is almost impossible to leave the village.

The flat village is located at a distance of 0.5 km from the central road, 14 km from the regional center and 15 km from Batumi. Since most of the road has a high status, its quality is quite good; in the village it was paved, although damaged. Public transport is represented by minibuses, which allow you to get to the city almost regularly in 30-40 minutes. Therefore, compared to a mountain village, there is no feeling of isolation and limitation.

In a mountain village, the very fact of having a job is very great importance, since the possibility of residents receiving other income is very small, and in a harsh climate and land scarcity, it is often the only source of survival. The leading branch of the economy here is nomadic (more precisely, semi-nomadic) cattle breeding, and agriculture plays a secondary role. With minimal financial resources, the population is forced to partially sell locally produced products (mainly potatoes), trying to collect a certain amount of basic products and heating products (firewood) as quickly as possible. Residents of the village are constantly engaged in difficult seasonal work, resigning themselves to the obligation and hopelessness of hard physical labor from an early age. The importance of family and neighborhood ties is also increasing. Therefore, when problems arise, the main decisions are made with the participation of family, relatives, and neighbors.

In the flat zone, employment on one's own farm takes on a auxiliary character. The main agricultural crop here is subtropical plants (citruses), and with falling incomes, citruses are turning into a means of increasing the family budget. Part of the population is engaged in the production of agricultural products that are sold on the market. Income is also generated by wages and pensions. The division of labor on the farm, unlike in a mountain village, is weakly expressed here, as a result of which there is the possibility of choosing a profession and plans for the future. The influence of family and neighbor ties is small or even does not play a role at all. Youth employment is negligible, but the impact of accessible urban infrastructure, on the contrary, is very large. The population lives almost exclusively by family interests, and since the practices of real mutual assistance are not developed here, there is no special motivation for relationships with fellow villagers. In general, relations in the village are regulated by formal institutions, although there are examples of solutions and with the help of informal rules (intermediaries, authorities), remnants of traditional law are preserved. Under these conditions, behavior is not strictly regulated, and the influence of tradition and religion is weak.

In a mountain village, the population belongs to one ethnic group - Georgians, while in a lowland village there are representatives of different ethnic groups. This influences the formation of cultural ideas.

In mountainous Gorjomi, there are problems with receiving television broadcasts (until May 2004, it was possible to receive only Adjara and Tbilisi’s Channel One, which are close to the government, as well as a number of Turkish channels; later the relatively independent Rustavi 2 and Imedi were added ). Poor transport accessibility makes it impossible to receive the latest press. This seriously limits public understanding different problems, especially political ones, which explains the enormous influence of official propaganda, minimizing free choice. In the flat Khelvachauri you can receive all the main channels, as well as local regional television. The possibility of cable television is being discussed. The press, although it does not reach the village directly, is easily accessible. The availability of a variety of information allows the population to form their attitude towards individual problems relatively independently.

In a mountain village, the main cultural events are associated with holidays. Their significance goes in the following sequence: religious, traditional local, state. This, in turn, helps preserve traditional ideas, although individual changes in people’s lives are difficult to deny. The lowland community is strongly influenced by Batumi cultural life. Both secular and religious holidays are celebrated. They are also noted by those who have little interest in religion. By the way, under the communists, the old mosque here was used as an “office” (village council building) and a club, so the return of the building to believers was not without complications.

The organization of secular education in the mountainous part is clearly unsatisfactory, resulting in the widespread spread of religious education, while in the lowland part the opposite is true.

Let us now turn to the specific problems of the functioning of the mosque. As you know, a mosque is a Muslim place of worship. But in Adjara, instead of a mosque, the term “jame” is used, which means a large, cathedral mosque. This is believed to be Turkish influence. In Adjara, mosques can be classified according to different criteria. The main classification, in our opinion, should be related to the functional purpose of mosques. Thus, they are divided into the central mosque (Batumi Mosque-center and residence of the Mufti of the Adjarian Muslim Spiritual Administration), central district mosques (center of district spiritual administrations), central community mosques, and other mosques. Seasonal mosques associated with the semi-nomadic lifestyle of the highland population are also highlighted.

Due to the uncertainty of the actions of the official authorities, it is difficult to determine the number of registered mosques, so the bulk of them operate semi-legally. In addition, very often the local population, mainly in the mountainous part, calls Muslim theological schools (“madrassas,” as the locals call them) mosques. But this designation applies only to those madrasahs that are open in places where mosques are not built and that are used for prayer. This situation is typical not only for Adjara; problems with the completeness of the list have also been noted in Russia. “So, in 1980, according to G. Mikhailov, head of the Department for Relations with Religious Organizations of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR, 335 imams and mullahs had official permission to worship, while 1245 performed rituals without registration,” and further: “Exactly so There is a gap between the number of registered and unregistered mosques. According to Mufti S.-M. Abubakarov, in 1997 there were three and a half thousand of them in Russia, while the Caucasus expert V. Bobrovnikov at the end of 1994 had information about more than five thousand mosques.” On the other hand, Islam does not require a place of worship for prayer, since when the time for prayer comes, under certain conditions, one can pray anywhere. Therefore, there are a certain number of houses of worship. Now there are more than 100 such places of worship.

In Adjara, according to local residents, mosques are used only for religious needs. As for their use for worldly affairs (discussion of local problems, politics, economics, etc.), such a function was more inherent in mosques in Central Asia and Kazakhstan, although similar cases occurred in Adjara. An example is February 1917, when, in difficult political conditions, a patriotic part of the population convened a representative meeting in the Batumi mosque and founded the “Georgian Muslim Committee” and held several meetings there. In one of the communities, I was able to observe in the courtyard of the mosque how, during the election campaign, one of the candidates met with residents of the village, local clergy, and specially invited honorary imams who came to pray. Similar facts occurred in other mountain communities, which did not happen on the plain.

In the mountains, the local population uses the community square for such gatherings, and especially “shadrevani” - a place of ablution. This confirms the important social role buildings and territories, and, as P. Bourdieu points out, “social space is not physical space, but it strives to be realized in it more or less fully and accurately.” And this transformation can be done in multiple ways. As we see, a certain social space turns into a special taboo and respected one, beginning to play the role of a social center under the influence of local characteristics (culture, religion, way of life). “Physically realized social space represents the distribution in physical space of various goods and services, as well as individual agents and groups, physically localized (as bodies tied to a permanent place: a fixed place of residence or the main place of residence) and having the ability to appropriate these more or less significant goods and services (depending on the capital they have, as well as on the physical distance separating them from these goods, which itself in turn depends on their capital).”

To confirm this conclusion, let us give another example of the mutual influence and overlap of social and physical space. In Adjara, the mosque is mainly located in the center of populated areas. Very often, a local, family or other cemetery is located next to the mosque. There are old cemeteries with Arabic inscriptions, which the local population calls “Khoja cemetery”. Near some mosques (especially in mountain villages) there are graves of people of non-local origin who left a will to bury them here. Such cemeteries were considered prestigious. In a flat village next to the mosque, we recorded such a burial; it belonged to the first clergyman of the mosque, but due to the complex history of the cemetery (it was abolished and restored several times during the Soviet period), it was not possible to obtain accurate information. The burials have a “Muslim appearance.” In the mountain village, the graves are not particularly decorated. Only the location of the head and feet of the deceased is indicated (the head is directed to the west); the inscriptions record his name and the years of life and death. In the plains, graves of this kind are very rare, but most have rich decoration, decorated with marble, inscriptions and an image of the deceased. We can thus observe an example of the determining influence of religion in the mountains and the priority of the aesthetic (ostentatious extravagance) in the plains.

Mosques in Adjara are built under the influence of local cultural traditions, have a square layout and in appearance more often resemble a residential building, which is determined by the construction tradition. The mosques located in the mountainous part are mainly built of wood. As you know, mosques are built with an orientation to the south (towards Mecca). But such specificity is also noticeable in the layout of an ordinary residential building, and the population of the mountainous part pays attention to this. In some cases, buildings are deliberately designed in a southerly direction.

Most mosques are two-story. The second floor (more precisely, the mezzanine) has the shape of a three-sided balcony (mezzanine), which faces towards Mecca. The purpose of this floor is interpreted differently. It is believed that it is intended for large quantity those praying. As residents of mountain villages note, both at holidays and at daily prayers the number of these people is very large. In the plains, worshipers are few in number, but their number increases on holidays. This is exactly what the second floor is used for.

Among the parishioners, middle-aged and elderly people predominate, who quite zealously adhere to all the rules. I would explain the high attendance of the mosque by older people by the availability of free time. Often among parishioners there are people who, having reached a certain age, for various reasons “suddenly” begin to live according to religious institutions. Many of them do not hide their “sinful past,” and this fact causes – especially in the lowland part – indignation and, as a result, mistrust both in the religiosity of such people and in religion in general.

It should be noted that compared to mountain villages, young people in lowland villages are little religious. As one of the informants told me, “... our local youth no longer go. Before that, there were smaller ones, too, but not enough. Little by little, in a word, from the side where there is more those who moved [ from mountain villages - R.B.], they were more interested and involved the youth. The locals have somehow become cool,<...>, not a single one is walking.” This statement allows us to assess the age structure of believers.

It should also be emphasized that the religiosity of those who “moved” influences overall religiosity. Thus, the occupation of a certain physical space by “newcomers” automatically includes them in social relationships. They are involved in complex relationships (this is expressed in prayer), which, with a special “capital” (capital of religiosity), makes their social function more significant, turning them into the main character of the relationship. This leads to the formation of a “new”, “their order”, with the goal of “...constructing homogeneous groups on a spatial basis.” This feature, expressed in the transfer of religiosity, gives special specificity to Islam in Adjara.

Continuing with the theme of the second floor, it should be noted that, according to other informants, it is believed that the second floor is intended for women. As noted in one mountain community, “women go to the mosque during Ramadan, during night prayer, and are on the second floor, where it is protected by a curtain.” In general, it is considered unlawful for a woman to sit in front or next to a man during prayer, and indeed for a man to see a woman - in this case, prayer is considered ineffective. In Adjara, as in other parts of the Islamic region, it is not customary for a woman to pray in a mosque, which is mainly explained by the problem of cleanliness (although each region has its own characteristics). Therefore, some researchers consider the mosque to be a “men's house”. However, for certain rituals (mainly during funerals) women are required who are able to do everything “by the rules,” so this feature is taken into account by the community. So, during an interview with a group of informants, where the conversation was about the clergy in general, I raised this topic, to which I received the answer that “women do not go to the mosque. In general, they have the right, but they pray at home. Nowadays there are such women: the Khoja woman<...>In general, a Khoja woman cannot lead a prayer like an imam, this does not happen and does not happen. If there is a man, he leads the prayer. They basically serve for the deceased. Women pray at home. During the period, at the hour of prayer time, they get up and pray.” This specificity is clearly visible in mountain villages, but in the lowland community it is almost not observed, which indicates a rigid distribution gender roles in the ritual sphere.

I wrote down the story about the Gorjomi mosque both in the community itself and in the village of Zoti, Chokhatauri region of Georgia. In the mountains, this story is remembered in many details to this day. At the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries, due to the rapid increase in the population of the community, the local mosque could not accommodate all the believers. The elders met several times to resolve the problem. At one such meeting about increasing the area of ​​an old wooden mosque, a man who had earlier moved to the village of Zoti attended a meeting who passed by and did not say hello. The elders demanded an explanation for the disrespect. He replied that such noble and prominent people deserve a new large mosque, and not just an increase in the old one. In turn, they explained to him that this would require building materials (which the community did not have) and large expenses. In response, the guest promised to help (his village had resources). And so it happened. Together, the mosque was built in 1900-1902. As we can see, in a mountain village, population growth stimulated the construction of a new mosque. In a similar situation several years ago, the mosque with. The Didachara was dismantled and transferred to the neighboring community, and a new mosque was built in the village. These facts indicate a strong religious and social function of the mosque in the mountainous area.

Details of the history of the Khelvachauri mosque are little known. The long-term use of the mosque premises as a non-religious building led to a weakening of interest and the loss of much information. The history of the mosque is briefly as follows. It was built at the end of the 19th or beginning of the 20th century. It is believed that it was built shortly after the construction of one of the Batumi mosques, in the construction of which local residents participated. The construction was supervised by several prominent families, who allocated lands from their possessions. Construction proceeded in an orderly manner. Part of the land transferred for the mosque was used for a cemetery. It should be noted that today the term “waqf” is understood by the local population as unprofitable land, mainly as a cemetery. As follows from the above analysis, at the beginning of the 20th century, the importance of religion in the lowland part was as serious as in the mountainous part, and the construction of a mosque was considered a “matter of honor.” The above story helps to better understand the effectiveness of atheistic propaganda, which resulted in a sharp decline religiosity of the population. From a comparison of the two stories above, it is clear that the atheistic influence turned out to be directly proportional to the accessibility of the city, which was reflected in the differences in the practices of transforming religiosity.

The history of the Soviet period has been preserved in more detail in both communities. Thus, in 1938, at the “requests of the population,” the Gorjomi Mosque was closed, the minaret was cut down, they decided to use the building as a club, and later they set up a warehouse there. After some time, the building became dilapidated, so it was renovated and temporarily began to be used as a museum, and in the 1980s (again at the “requests of the population”!) they returned the building’s cult significance, restoring it as a mosque.

In the lowland community the story is almost similar, but with the difference that in the lowland villages the mosques were exploited so barbarously that they quickly turned into ruins. Therefore, most of the mosques here have been destroyed, and the details of their history have been lost. During the Second World War, the building of the Khelvachauri Mosque was used as a military headquarters, and later simultaneously as a premises for the village administration and as a club (partly even as a store). Therefore, today the building looks like an administrative building. We noticed that young people called this building “office” (to the question “Where are you going?” they answered: “To the office”).

This situation - not observed in the mountain village - indicates the loss of the religious-cult function and the transformation of the mosque (as a religious building) into a building of an administrative or everyday nature. For some time now, when the mosque was restored, this designation has come into use again.

By the way, the influence of Islam, or more precisely the mosque, on toponymy in Adjara is significant. Thus, when Batumi became part of the Russian Empire, there were four districts in the city, three of which received their name under the influence of the mosques located there. And in the mountainous part the toponym “Jamikari” (literally: mosque door) was recorded; some parts of the villages were named according to the same principle.

One of the most important parts of the mosque is the minaret, from which the muezzin calls believers to prayer. In Adjara, minarets are rare, mainly in mountain villages. The combination of a low tower with the upper sharp part of the mosque roof is more common. Very often the minaret is equipped with a sound transmitting device. In some cases, mainly in the flat part (for example, in the village under study), such a device is installed directly on the roof. In mountain villages this only happened in the case of the destruction of mosques in Soviet time, and on the plain - due to difficulties in using it. While working in a mountain community, I observed the simultaneous call to prayer from different mosques, which creates a rather powerful effect. In view of this, most local residents are well versed in the peculiarities of reading the adhan and the quality of “its execution.” They professionally evaluate the voice, knowledge, experience of the muezzin, which is distinctive feature mountains

In the flat part the situation is different. The majority have already lost the habit of such a ritual, only part of the population has a positive attitude towards reading the adhan, while others perceive it with distrust, skepticism, and some are downright hostile. In this regard, conflicts have arisen more than once between believers (we remind you that there are not many of them) and other residents of the village. For example, in conversations with me, the topic of the minaret and the attitude towards reading the adhan came up more than once. It can be argued that in many lowland villages the population often protested about the “noise” associated with the call to prayer. There have been cases when an urgent demand to stop “disturbing the peace” led to extreme actions. So, in a conversation with a participant in a similar incident, I learned that he repeatedly demanded to stop “this”, and since nothing changed, he “took action”, “and in anger, took a machine gun and shot at the sound machine while reading the adhan "

A similar fact happened with the Khelvachauri mosque, which is why the mosque today does not have a minaret, and the azan is read mainly on Friday prayers. The imam of the mosque told me: “At one time there were such problems when reading the adhan. There was one person who tried to do something so that there would be no azan, since children are afraid and something else like that<...>We have difficulties at night and in the morning, during night and morning reading, because we don’t want anyone to get angry and say something unnecessary, bad, but we would still read then. There are people who like it. Just the ones that tell us to read during Lent,<...>so that we know when to stop eating,<...>When should you start eating? Many people have this desire, but there are some people who complicate everything, create difficulties. To be more precise, the azan scares children, but they are also Muslims, they simply protect their sleep, they do not want their sleep to be disturbed, and they themselves are Muslims and believers, but it is still difficult for them, they ask that they not read in the morning and evening. There are no problems with anything else, little by little... There were complications. There was shooting from a machine gun [here the conversation turns to another topic – R.B.].” Some believe that the problem is related to the lack of professionalism of the local muezzin: “...he has no voice now. By reading the adhan, you should half fall in love with this matter. And what happens... In a word, people are turned against each other.<...>We must record it on tape, and the voice that reads the adhan must be pleasant,<...>but he has no voice, and when he reads - what does it look like?!<...>Install something normal here, and then we’ll see who comes here!” And yet, the majority of local residents do not accept loud reading of the adhan, believing that “a real believer should have a watch and be guided by it.” All this indicates not only the loss of tradition, but also the unacceptability of “unfamiliar” rituals that violate the usual way of life. As can be seen from the examples, the interaction of today's everyday life with religion has different social consequences in the mountains (where they are interconnected) and on the plain (where their interaction often entails conflicts).

An important part of the mosque is the ablution area. In Adjara there are special rooms for ablution - “shadrevani”. Very often this is where people gather to discuss pressing issues. Ablution, or purification, in Islam, as is known, is the most important requirement for believers. In Adjara, the ritual problem of purity, interacting with local traditions and customs, leads to interesting results. As D. Mikeladze points out, the spread of Islam led to the appearance of an additional “abdeskhana” room in residential buildings.

We drew attention to the importance of cleanliness in everyday life. In this regard, I would like to note that the population uses a traditional toilet to perform their needs, where water is used for purification. In the mountainous part, due to economic needs, a toilet and a cattle stall are planned nearby personal plot to improve soil quality in the traditional way. In the flat part, a different type of toilet has developed, where toilet paper is used, and the layout takes little into account household needs.

The purity and use of water, as it became clear from conversations with informants, are an important criterion for differences when comparing the population of the mountains and the lowland. To clarify, I would like to quote from an interview with a school teacher in a mountain village: “Islam has many purities: circumcision, washing, training [during prayer]. This is a correct and harmonious religion. We use water in the toilet, this is both cleanliness and health. And where has it been seen, so that people do not know how to cleanse themselves, they use paper. This is uncleanliness<...>You can’t bring a woman from the lower reaches into your family, they don’t know cleanliness, they don’t know how to clean their bodies, they’re dirty. They just douse themselves in different perfumes and walk around stinking. Let them see real body cleansing<...>“. While working in another mountain community, having a conversation about repressions against clergy, I wrote down the following story: “...One day, Haji Hussein Efendi was walking from the big bridge to the jama, he was already halfway, and they were waiting for him on the second floor ( NKVD officers - R.B.) and watched him. And on the road he found a piece of newspaper with a photograph of Lenin, looked at it, cleaned it up and put it next to it for safekeeping. He approached the jama and was captured there. During the interrogation they asked: “What did you take and clean there?” They picked it up and saw that it was a photograph of Lenin. “Why did you do it?” “This is our ruler, and why should they step on him, it’s a sin.” Inscriptions, it is forbidden to step on all inscriptions, you cannot step on it, it doesn’t matter whether it’s in Georgian or Russian. If you take paper with inscriptions into the toilet and use it, you are not human. You can't, it's a big sin. There are different stories written down there, both good and bad, all kinds. The rules cannot be ignored. If it’s with pictures, then any conversation is superfluous.<...>“.

As we see, those elements of everyday life that in one way or another relate to Islam and are recognized by the community as part of its subculture become a factor influencing other aspects Everyday life. At the same time, inattention to these elements, or a negative attitude towards them, can lead to both misunderstanding and, in more fundamental cases, to a certain negative reaction towards a person. On the contrary, in the lowland part, the consequence of weak religiosity was a complete disregard for such customs due to the adoption and spread of the “urban” tradition. I tried to collect comparative material in the lowland community. From the diary: “Approaching the mosque, I started a conversation with the believers who had gathered for prayer. At this time, one of them comes back and tells everyone that the toilet is full of papers, and then everyone began to discuss and say that they “missed it again,” “what is it like,” and explained that they could not do anything about it.” Later in the conversation, he noted: “On the issue of cleanliness in the toilet, we have this system: people use newspapers, and we die. Almost none of the children use water. On my daughter’s side, people came to visit, and I yell at them to keep it clean, but the situation is the same there, although it’s the same in the house.”

An important element of everyday life, tradition, and religion is clothing, or rather the rules and requirements for handling it. I managed to collect quite interesting material, but due to limited space here I'm in general outline I’ll just analyze the “female part” of the tradition. The same informant, who passionately discussed purity in Islam, continued his thought about clothing: “It’s good when a woman has a veil and she is covered, although all sorts of things happen behind the veil, but when everything happens without concealment and women are undressed - What is it? But these are different, and thereby they show the same respect for elders and for father-in-law and mother-in-law, and this is better. The veil is mandatory for women. For example, when there is an advertisement on TV where a naked woman comes out of the water and everything is flowing from her, this is not at all suitable for us. This has corrupted the youth.<...>Now 80% of women who grew up in the city cannot be brought into the family.<...>A local woman will not appear on the beach in a swimsuit, it is impossible for her to appear, it is prohibited - it is a sin... [The conversation turned to topics of family and marriage - R.B.]”; “...a Muslim in general should start a family with a Muslim woman, but there have been cases when, on the contrary, people here got married and families were destroyed.<...>A local girl will very rarely marry a Christian [here: a resident of lowland villages - R.B.]<...>. She didn’t pray, didn’t work, didn’t wash, and therefore it destroyed the family. Failure to comply with local rules has led to the destruction of families,<...>nowhere is it justified for families to be destroyed. In a family, one prays on the Koran, and the other prays on Christ; this is incompatible for families. The family must be united. Even your neighbors will not like marrying Christians, but they will not outwardly express their attitude. But they think to themselves: I am your friend, but I know what kind of friend you are to me.”

Interestingly, restrictions on the choice of clothing are especially noticeable in mountain villages, where wearing a headdress is mandatory for women. Explaining this, one of the informants noted that “according to the laws of Islam, a woman must comply with the rules of Islam, cover her face, and at the same time this comes into conflict with Islam, because I will not be able to read the Janazah prayer to her.” I have never heard anything similar in the villages of the plains. Here, most likely, the factor of multiple employment of women in different areas life activities (everyday life, family, work, etc.), which ultimately affects identity, which is formed under the influence of coexistence in various spheres with a variety of social rules. And if this circle is limited to a community with its limited mobility, then local traditional laws (adat) dominate, which are preserved for a long time due to the underdevelopment of communications. This feature, which was pointed out by E. Le Roy Ladurie and F. Braudel, best characterizes the phenomenon being described: “Different social groups (urban and rural, metropolis and province) and different cultural spheres and areas (religious, political, economic) are not necessarily change at the same time."

In general, the division of labor into female and male in mountainous Adjara is noticeable at first glance. Based on special economic conditions, the female and male spheres are strictly fixed there, in particular with regard to transhumance. In confirmation of this, I would like to cite one of my observations, which characterizes the deep interaction of traditions, customs and religion. From the diary: “In the house I talked with the owner. During our conversation there was a few knocks on the door. I thought that the owner, because of me, because of respect for the interlocutor, for the guest, did not notice this, so he said: “I think they are knocking on the door?!”, to which he replied: “If they are knocking, then this is probably a woman, so my wife will open.” "How is that?" – I asked again. “If there was a man, he would call by name.” Similar cases occurred quite often.

A comparison of these two features once again confirmed that residents of mountain villages take traditions associated with Islam seriously, which does not find support among the population of the plains.

Touching upon the topic of the Muslim clergy working in Adjara, it should be noted that most of its representatives have a low level of education, therefore, they mainly perform the functions of an imam - leading a prayer. Only a small part of the clergy - mainly the leadership - is prepared to competently lead the community. In large mosques, several imams work simultaneously, and in small mosques, several functions are simultaneously performed by one person (for example, muezzin, cashier, watchman, etc.). It should be noted that the clergy, in addition to purely religious functions, to varying degrees also perform individual actions related to Islam in one way or another, thereby indicating the degree of “normalization of Islam” in society, as defined by A. Malashenko. In the mountain community, imams are invited to various events, mainly because of familiarity and respect for them. In the flat part, as needed (usually to perform the Mavlyud ritual). In general terms, we can say that the main sphere of activity of the clergy is holidays, the performance of rituals associated with funerals, weddings and, to a lesser extent, births and “christenings”. What is especially important is that, according to my observations, the clergy are also invited to resolve issues related to land, property, witchcraft and, occasionally, family problems.

Some functions are typical for both regions. In the mountainous part, due to increased religiosity, additional functions are added (family and property and land problems), while in the lowland part the emphasis is on religious practices. This specificity is also visible in the following quote: “...therefore, there [in mountain villages - R.B.], in the villages, because there are more elderly people, they are together and much more united, family ties have a greater influence. Therefore, mosques are more trusted there. Here [in lowland villages – R.B.] different people, and distant relatives, people are different, so what should they do? On the other hand, everyone there professes the same religion, but here a problem can arise: a person can be Orthodox, Catholic, or even a non-believer.” It should be noted that religious life in the plain part is less diverse, therefore the main ritual that is performed in the plain part is Mavlud, the celebration of the birthday of the Prophet Muhammad. In Adjara, this ritual is also carried out on other days, as indicated by the imam of the local mosque: “What we call the month of Mavlud is the birthday of the Prophet Muhammad. In those days people are brought in for reading, for agitation.<...>so often that sometimes even four hodjas can’t handle it every day. There are four Khojas here, and in addition, there are several self-educated people, in some families there are learned people who read, but despite this, we still cannot cope in the month of Mavlyud. This is the main ritual that people perform.” By the way, in the mountainous part this ritual does not have any special meaning, except purely religious.

Very often in the plains, people do not understand the meaning of the rituals, and consider them “pious,” “blessed,” etc., which “we were recommended to perform.” Very often Mavlud or the reading of the Koran is performed for the sick, the dead, etc. Below I will give one entry that clearly explains the attitude towards rituals and the clergy that is quite common in the plains. “A middle-aged man entered the mosque courtyard, smoking a cigarette. He said hello and asked “Do you work here?” “No, what’s the matter?” “Where is the hodja?” “They are praying now<пауза>, What's the matter?" “No, I just wanted to take Mavlyud to read.” After a short pause, I asked: “What’s the matter: is everything okay, did something happen, or do you just want Mavlyud to read it?” “Nothing, it’s just that my sister passed away, and today is her birthday. Neighbors and people recommended that it would be good if they read it. And so I came.” - “Are you waiting for someone specific?” - “No, it doesn’t matter to me, I don’t distinguish between them.” - “It’s clear, N is not there, but the rest will be there.” - "Fine. –<через некоторое время мы вернулись к разговору>– In general, I don’t believe in such hojas who, after 40 years, begin to pray and read. Before that, he could engage in robbery, theft, etc., and after 40 years he became a minister. God will forgive me,” he says. What will God forgive?! And God will not forgive others either! I had a case, I was in the hospital, and one of them came up to me and said: I’ll buy you medicine. That medicine costs 25 lari. But I refused, do I seem like a beggar to him, or what? Then I thought: I didn’t take it away, I didn’t ask, I didn’t insist, and I’m giving. He called - “buy.” Then he asked him: “How long ago did you become a Khoja?” And he replied: “So, after 40 years.” Then I said: “Come on<…>from here.” Sorry, I shouldn’t say that here... and he was offended and left altogether, but why did they come there after 40 years? First they stole, robbed, and then became clergy. God will forgive us. No, they want to make money and rob there too.”

Compared to the lowland part, the imam in the mountainous part, in addition to performing purely religious functions, often plays the role of a community representative or is in demand for resolving disputes (for example, land or property, as mentioned above). As we see, religiosity is directly symbolized by the position of the clergy, the attitude towards them and in the “ritualization” of everyday life. We can say that this moment is the most expressive and indicative feature characterizing religiosity in the community.

Today in Adjara three groups of clergy can be distinguished. Firstly, these are “traditionalists” (mainly older people). They received their education during the Soviet period, therefore they compare religious norms with elements of restrictions characteristic of that period, to which some modern ideas. They received additional education mainly through literature and, to a lesser extent, through special advanced training courses. This was also expressed in the rituals they performed. As one of the young imams told us: “For example, when I came from Turkey, I visited 10-15 places a day, because everyone wanted to see and listen to the young man. In fact, the old people spoke as they heard, that is, as they were simply told. Old people were noticeably self-educated. They couldn’t campaign, they didn’t know what to talk about.”

The other group is the new generation who were educated in the late 80s and throughout the 90s. These people, along with practical skills, have theoretical training, which gives their judgment more weight. Among them are enthusiasts of innovation and change, both in practice and in theory. The third group is transitional, which takes into account both positions. However, age is not the determining criterion here. An interesting fact is that those who want to receive religious education mainly live in mountain villages, so the number of communities with new ideas is increasing in the mountainous part, or through its residents.

Although the basic requirements for believers associated with the mosque and the clergy are not mandatory, there is a clear connection between the religiosity of the community and the financing of the mosque. Fees for religious services clearly indicate this. On the other hand, the existence of a mosque depends on the obligations that the community takes upon itself. Thus, in one village where a madrasah operated, according to local residents, there had previously been talk about the construction of a mosque: “We have so many houses, and how can we not maintain it?! But then they said that there were so many expenses associated with it that we definitely wouldn’t be able to cover them, and so we decided to build a madrasah.” A parallel was drawn by one religiously educated young man: “Whoever covers the costs is main question, because we have the moment that Islam is weak, Islam is not strong among people, people don’t know what Islam is. We see this, and in order for Islam to strengthen among people and for them to know good Islam, it is necessary that whoever can, be able and want to help. So that a person knows how to serve, and so that a person, from his income, what he needs - sadaqah, or zakat, or something else, knows where and to whom he should pay.”

Economic and financial aspects require detailed analysis, because the stronger Islam is in a community, the more it is expected to participate in religious life. In the mountain community, despite the difficult situation, there is an unofficial tax in favor of the mosque everywhere. It is called “vezife”, or simply “jamis para” [translated as “mosque money” - R.B.]. Its size and frequency are determined by the Majlis, the body operating at the mosque. Basically, this is a house tax in the amount of 2.5 to 5 lari per year. It is collected either by the cashier, or by a representative of a specific part of the settlement in the Majlis, or by the population themselves paying on a certain day. Some funds go to holidays from donations, although their volume in both communities is small.

An important note must be made regarding the flat part. There is no tax here, and the main income, as the imam noted, is the skin of a sacrificial animal, which residents donate to the mosque (then they sell it on behalf of the mosque). The mosque has practically no other income, so if problems arise, they turn to the central mosque. In this sense, the central mosque is the main financial center of the Muslim community of Adjara. It searches, collects and accumulates all resources, and also directs them to achieve its goals. The Central Mosque, among other things, pays the salaries of madrasah teachers, although, as it turned out, not all of them. As we can see, the analysis of the mosque’s finances clearly outlines the boundaries of the influence of Islam on the population in different parts of the region.

For a better idea of ​​the specifics of Islam in Adjara, I will also touch on another institution that directly affects the reproduction of religion. We are talking about education in general, and more specifically, about religious education. The mountainous part of the region has very low quality schooling, there are very few qualified teachers. Basically, the schools employ graduates of the same schools, who gradually improve their qualifications by correspondence in Batumi state university. The population has no interest in education, since there is little chance of later getting a job in their specialty. If there is an interest in knowledge among schoolchildren, it quickly fades away due to limited access to higher education and its further application.

In this regard, the only form of education that has a “practical” orientation and the most likely demand is religious education. More from early childhood in the family, children begin to comprehend the basics of faith, rituals, etc. In addition, it is also important for children that in families, in general, all requirements related to religion are fully met, and during holidays and fasting, children are unwittingly involved in them. With constant contact and observation of religious life, children quickly learn religious ideas. Most residents are well aware of almost all the obligatory rituals, prayers, etc. The community has a wide network of unofficial religious schools where young people improve their knowledge. A certain part of young people strives for a career, for which they enter religious schools of a higher level, which also has practical value. Together with family education, all this leads to an increase in the number of believers. Since only Muslims live in mountain villages (not counting a certain number of non-believers), there is no problem of communicating with representatives of “another culture,” which could lead to complications in the formation of common rules of everyday life.

As I already noted, the madrasah is used not only for education, but also for prayer. In Adjara, education in madrasahs, despite the name, is of an elementary nature. They operate unofficially, including several madrassas with quite high level preparation. Madrasahs are financed by the community and the central mosque (the latter is not always the case). At the same time, there are alternative sources (including foreign ones). Education is free. Children are taught the initial theoretical and practical foundations of religion. The classroom consists mostly of several desks, chairs and a blackboard. Sometimes training is conducted without furniture.

For a more detailed picture, here are the words of a teacher at one mountain madrasah. “Here in the madrasah we both teach and pray. In the summer there are few students, because people go to the mountains [drive out cattle - R.B.]<...>. Here we teach how to read the Koran, how one should pray, how one should behave. We teach rituals of purification, we teach older people rituals associated with the deceased, although it is more the little ones who go here, and such things are taught in the main madrasah<...>We are not talking about schools now, we have classes on Saturday and Sunday, in addition, we set aside any one day so that the children study there too, and their studies with us do not interfere with them.<...>We teach here Arabic, the language of the Koran. In addition, the Koran itself and all sorts of books of this kind. Our lesson here goes like this: we asked him, for example, to learn one prayer. When we assign him a lesson, we will help him read it, since he must pass. He will go home, then come back and have to read it again. Another student has a different lesson. Some, for example, learn the alphabet, others learn reading. Everyone sits together, but everyone learns different lessons. The lesson starts, for example, at 10 o'clock. I go to the madrasah and light a fire if it’s cold. I wait, and then the children come. Two or three will come and we’ll start, then others will come too. First I check, then I ask new lesson. I start in the morning and the training ends in the evening. If there are 30 students, then it lasts 6-7 hours or more<...>If he doesn’t learn it, we’ll leave the same lesson. We will repeat and teach again. We don’t have punishment, we don’t write evaluations, although some people may do. If you haven’t learned it, tell him to learn it. In our country, grades are given only to encourage the student: “he got an A, and so will I,” maybe he will learn better. If he doesn’t learn, we won’t say anything bad so as not to offend him and so that he wants to learn.<...>Young people now have little desire to study. When I was studying, then even married people went and studied, but now they don’t go, and this has already been going on for three years.”

It's about a kind of unique phenomenon in world practice: in 1991, among the Adjarians, who are an ethnic minority and living in southwestern Georgia, there were 75% Muslims. Today, according to recently released official documents, in the Republic of Adjara, 75% of residents living in Batumi and the surrounding area belong to the Georgian Orthodox Church. We are talking about an unexpected and surprising conversion to Christianity.

The Islamization of the Adjarians dates back to 1614, when their territory was conquered by the Ottoman Empire.

Annexed by the Russian Empire in 1878, Adjara, whose territory covers 3 thousand square kilometers, came under the jurisdiction of Georgia in 1920, and after brief conflict became a Soviet autonomous republic within Georgia. Today Adjara continues to remain an autonomous republic within Georgia. Like South Ossetia, which broke away from Tbilisi in 1991, it is part of the Caucasus that has been caught in the crossfire of Russia and Georgia fighting for territorial dominance, as well as the repression of Georgian President Saakashvili, who came to power as a result of the Pink Revolution. in 2003 and is an implacable enemy of independence movements.

Metropolitan Dimitri of Batumi (Batumi is the capital of Adjara) has already reported on the process of a massive return of Adjarians to Orthodoxy in an interview at the end of 2012. Metropolitan Dimitri said that the conversion of almost the entire people happened before his eyes: “In 1991, five thousand people, including Muslims and atheists, converted to Orthodoxy. That same year we opened a higher theological school in Khulo. This was the first religious school opened in the USSR.”

Today, many priests come from Islamic families. Suffice it to say that the rector of the Batumi Seminary is the grandson of a mullah who was educated in Istanbul.

Adjara borders Turkey to the south, and according to some articles that have appeared recently in the local press, the Turks are trying to maintain and increase the Islamic presence in the region.

Adjarian newspapers wrote about the arrival of the descendants of the famous preacher in their country Ottoman Empire Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan, born in a Bulgarian village and lived in Istanbul until 1959. In fact, small Islamic enclaves persist in Adjara, especially in villages in the central part of the region. In Khulo there is a mosque and a madrasah (Muslim theological seminary), and the old people speak Turkish.

For now, coexistence appears peaceful, even though the conversion of many Muslims to Christianity has become something of a taboo for the rest of Georgia's Islamic minority, from the Chechens living on the border with Chechnya and Dagestan to the Shiites of eastern Georgia living near the border with Azerbaijan.

Of course, it must be said that Georgia does not encourage the spread of Islam. Moreover, Orthodoxy is considered the state religion. At the end of August, in the Adigeni region of southwestern Georgia, an event occurred that the local press dubbed the “minaret of discord.”

Civil authorities demolished the minaret because customs duties on the necessary building materials had not been paid. Muslims who protested against the authorities' actions were arrested.

The reasons for the conversion of Muslims to Christianity were explained by Metropolitan Dimitri of Batumi: the Adjarians were forcibly converted to Islam by the Turks of the Ottoman Empire, but in essence they remained Christians. Up to today they continued to wear crosses (sometimes secretly), preserved the custom of painting eggs before Easter, which is typical of the folk tradition of Eastern Christians, and keeping icons in the house. Added to this was the religious upsurge characteristic of recent years the existence of the USSR and the period following its collapse in 1991. Suffice it to recall the public conversion and baptism of President Eduard Shevardnadze, the former Soviet foreign minister who became the spiritual son of Georgian Patriarch Ilia II.

It is also appropriate to recall the events in South Ossetia, located in the north of Georgia, which, at the cost of a bloody conflict, declared independence from Georgia in 1991 and experienced a great spiritual revival, accompanied by conversion to Christianity and baptism, in which Bishop George of Alania (bishop of the Greek Synod) took part Opposing Oropos and Fili).

It should be noted that the Georgian Orthodox Church is active. Recently, as a result of the steps it has taken, discontent has re-emerged on the border with Armenia. A few days ago, Father Hakob Sahakyan, an Armenian priest in the city of Akhaltsik, told local media that the Georgian Church was organizing pilgrimages and religious services in two ancient churches in the village of Damala, belonging to a 10th-11th century monastery complex. This complex is considered the historical heritage of Armenians living in Georgia. At the moment, this matter had no bad consequences. A request was made to the Ministry of Culture of Armenia, which appointed a commission of specialists to resolve the dispute.

The new dispute with the Armenians shows that the state, which considers Orthodoxy the official religion and generously funds the church, although it does not exclude historical religious minorities, is still trying to preserve the hierarchy of Christian denominations. Relationship with Catholic Church, which accounts for approximately 2% of the Georgian population, also do not always go smoothly.

There's no doubt that we're talking about about conscious religious policy, which is related to internal security and border protection. The issue concerns mainly Islam and Chechnya, where for some time a form of Islamic “flexible” radicalism has been strengthened, which is sometimes accompanied by terrorist initiatives of individuals, as demonstrated by the terrorist attack during the Boston Marathon in April of this year.

Adjara - as a part of Georgia, is distinguished by ethnocultural and religious characteristics. Georgian autonomy borders on Turkey, which historically had a strong influence on the region; moreover, Adjara periodically found itself part of the Ottoman Empire, which some sections of Adjarian society readily recall. We are primarily talking about local Muslims, who, according to various estimates, make up from 30% to 40% of the population of the autonomy, or from 115 to 135 thousand people. These indicators often “drift”, since part of the region’s population, due to various circumstances, periodically switches from Christianity to Islam and vice versa.

Over the past 15 years, the Georgian Orthodox Church has carried out active propaganda among local Muslims, as a result, most of the residents of the city of Batumi, as well as the villages of Kobuleti, Shuakhevi and Khelvachauri returned to the fold of the church. Residents of the Khuloi and Ked districts are considered the most Islamized. Nevertheless, active Muslim communities operate in both Batumi and Kobuleti. During the reign of Saakashvili, many families of Adjarian Muslims from the mountainous regions were resettled to other regions of the country, in particular to Tsalka, from where ethnic Greeks emigrated en masse. The appearance of Adjarian Muslims in Tsalka caused discontent among the local Georgian Orthodox population, and even clashes were recorded between the latter and Georgians professing Islam. Also, some groups of Adjarian Muslims moved to neighboring Guria, which also caused a conflict situation. And finally, in Batumi itself there were numerous protests by both Muslims and Christians. The former still demand the opening of a new mosque, since the shortage of mosques and the ban on their construction violates the religious rights of local Muslims, while the latter resist these plans, believing that the opening of Islamic religious buildings is encouraged from the outside, in particular by the Turkish side.

Built in 1886, the Batumi Orta Jame Mosque is filled with believers who come to pray from various regions of Georgia. As experts note, the number of believers in Adjara is growing every year due to visitors from Turkey. On the one hand, Tbilisi realizes that “creeping Islamization” is taking place in the autonomy; on the other hand, the authorities may not be able to stop such trends, since this is fraught with the emergence of conflict situation, which may also affect the process of European integration of Georgia.

It is noteworthy that the calls of local residents to control the activities of Turkish establishments in the autonomy remain unheard. But hammam baths, nightclubs where prostitution flourishes, and other entertainment facilities with Turkish capital have become a common occurrence in Adjara. Moreover, Turkish speech can be heard not only in cities, but also in remote settlements. And this despite the fact that the country’s authorities are trying in every possible way to introduce the Georgian language into regions densely populated by ethnic minorities, while simultaneously ignoring the fact that the Turkish language is spreading in Georgia. Even 20 years ago central District Batumi was inhabited by Armenians, Greeks and Jews, and the area is now home to Turkish restaurants, bars and shops. The Turkish flag is becoming a symbol of today's Adjara, where Turkish economic interests are extremely strong.

Mutual contacts between Kartvelian-speaking Muslims and Turks are not limited to economic ties. For Turkish citizens, Adjarians are “one of their own”. Adjarians themselves often trust their Turkish co-religionists more than their Orthodox compatriots.
In fact, for many Ajarian Muslims, Turkey is seen as a guarantor of their security. This was the case during Ottoman rule, when local Muslims: Adjarians, Laz, Hemshils and Turkic-speaking groups enjoyed the support of the Sultan and during the Russian-Turkish wars took an openly pro-Turkish position. Adjarian Muslims are related to Turkish Georgians, most of whom come from the autonomy. Three waves of emigration of Adjarian Muslims have occurred over the past two centuries.

The first outflow of Muslim Georgians from Adjara to Turkey occurred from 1828 to 1829, the second wave of emigration affected not only Muslims from Adjara, but also the surrounding regions, which the Georgians call Shavsheti and Imerkhevi, now part of the Turkish province of Artvin. These were 1877−1879, and finally, the largest wave of immigrants to Turkey from Adjara occurred in 1921. According to estimates, during these periods, over 800 thousand Muslim Georgians emigrated from Adjara and nearby regions, whose descendants now live compactly in the Black Sea provinces of Turkey, including Ordu, Giresun, Samsun, Sinop, Zonguldak, Adjarians and other groups of Georgians Muslims also live in the provinces of Yalova, Duzce, Bursa, Sakarya, Kocaeli, Balikesir, Amasya, Tokat, Artvin.

After Georgia's independence, ethnic Georgian Turkish Muslims began to maintain contact with their compatriots. The most active periods of these contacts were the years of reign Mikheil Saakashvili, who distributed Georgian passports to immigrants from Turkey. And only the protest mood in the country forced Saakashvili to complete the process of distributing passports. It was during the reign of Saakashvili that the so-called “Turkish emissaries” began to penetrate into Adjara, who were active among the local population, opening madrassas, Islamic educational and spiritual centers, however, most of these institutions were closed under public pressure, however, Turkey continues to remain influential force in the region, and strong political and economic ties between Turkey and Georgia restrain Tbilisi from taking decisive action to eliminate the Turkish factor in the autonomy.

Meanwhile, many Georgian social activists, experts and politicians are sounding the alarm. In their opinion, Adjarian Muslims are unknowingly becoming Ankara’s “fifth column” in Georgia. Note that all this is happening against the backdrop of the formation of the identity of this Kartvelian subgroup. The formation of the identity of the Adjarians occurs in the conditions of the most complex historical processes. Islamization, including voluntary, partial Turkization, linguistic assimilation, interaction of cultures, social and ethnopsychological aspects, migration processes, preservation of historical memory, all this has led to the fact that the majority of Adjarian Muslims consider themselves as a separate ethnic unit. At the same time, the Adjarians are building an ethnic concept according to which they are not only Georgians, but also Sunni Muslims. This concept is actively supported by Turkish scientific circles, believing that the Adjarians should rely not on their ethnic origin, but on their religious one, which, according to Turkish scientists, remains the main factor in the rapprochement of the Turks and the Georgian subethnic group. It is not surprising that conferences and round tables on the topic of relations between Turkey and the Adjara Autonomous Region are held annually in Istanbul and Ankara. And Turkish nationalists even consider Batumi as part of Turkey and demand that the authorities not only intensify ties with Adjarian Muslims, but also protect the interests of the latter, supporting their religious needs. It is difficult to say whether the Adjarian Muslims themselves are aware of the danger that the religious factor could become the reason for the complete rejection of autonomy from Georgia. If the Adjarians are aware of this danger, then traditional Islam should not become an instrument of influence in the hands of outside agitators; if they do not, then the Georgian authorities have every right to protect the autonomy from external threats.

To the 35th anniversary of the Patriarchate of His Holiness and Beatitude Catholicos-Patriarch of All Georgia Ilia II

Is 20 years a lot or a little? There is a whole era in the history of Adjara. At the end of the 1980s, the local population here was Muslim; the only one operating in Batumi Orthodox church. Today, 75% of Adjarians profess Orthodoxy. This metamorphosis of the transition of an entire region from Islam to Orthodoxy, or rather a return to the origins, to the faith of their ancestors, took place before the eyes of the ruler of Batumi and Laz, Dimitri, and with his ardent participation.

Metropolitan of Batumi and Laz Dimitri (in the world David Shiolashvili) was born on February 16, 1961 in Mtskheta. Nephew of Catholicos-Patriarch of All Georgia Ilia II. He studied at the Mtskheta Theological Seminary, and then at the Moscow Theological Academy, which he graduated in 1986 with the degree of candidate of theological sciences (the dissertation is devoted to early history Georgian Church). In 1985 he was ordained a deacon, in 1986 a priest. He served in the St. Nicholas Church in Batumi, and since 1987 in the Cathedral of St. George in Kakheti. In 1987-1988 he was sent to Tbilisi, served in Anchiskhati and taught liturgics at the Tbilisi Theological Academy. In 1989, he was elevated to the rank of archpriest and transferred to Batumi, to the Cathedral of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary. This appointment marked the beginning of Adjara's return to Orthodoxy. In 1989, the Skhalta Monastery was opened and thousands of local residents who professed Islam were baptized. On May 13, 1991, 5 thousand Muslims and atheists converted to Orthodoxy. In the same year, a theological school was opened in Khulo and the theological gymnasium of St. Andrew the First-Called, the first church high school THE USSR. Father David was appointed its rector. Since 1993, he has been the rector of the Theological Seminary of St. John the Theologian. In 1996, he took monastic vows, was elevated to the rank of archimandrite, and placed in the episcopal see of Batumi. In 2003 he was elevated to the rank of Archbishop of Batumi and Skhalta, in 2007 - Metropolitan of Batumi and Kobuleti (since 2009, Batumi and Laz). Since 2009, manager of Georgian parishes in North America and Canada.

Having passed Imereti and Guria, we enter Batumi, which is simply unrecognizable! An embankment decorated with palm trees, a European “old town”, silhouettes of skyscrapers, new buildings of fancy architecture. A thought flashes through my mind: surprisingly, along with the revival of Orthodoxy in Adjara, the revival of secular life in the region also began.

As was the case in 2003, Metropolitan Dimitri warmly greets us and cordially shows us the diocese. We walk through already familiar places and are amazed: the orphanage is not only completed, but life is in full swing in it, the Lavra of all the Georgian saints is being erected nearby, and the newly built Church of the Holy Trinity hovers over Batumi like the guardian angel of the city. “The Adjarian miracle,” the bishop believes, “is the will of God and the merit of His Holiness Patriarch Ilia II.”

Adjara between atheism, Islam and Orthodoxy

Vladyka, when you were sent to serve in Batumi in 1986, how many Orthodox Adjarian believers were there?

The diocese at that time was large. Now three dioceses have emerged from it: Upper Adjara, Guria and Adjara. When I was sent to serve, there was still the Soviet Union, and we were not allowed into Upper Adjara. This is where the local population lived (Adjarians are Georgians who speak a local dialect close to Mingrelian, and at that time professed Islam - A.N.). In the Church of St. Nicholas, the only one in the entire diocese, there was only one believing family of Adjarians (our Patriarch converted her during his service in Batumi).

- Who were the parishioners of St. Nicholas Church?

Russians, Georgians from Guria and Imereti. The locals didn't come. There was a mosque for them. You know, I can say without exaggeration: currently about 75% of the locals are Orthodox (according to the 2002 census). And then about 75% of the locals were Muslims.

It is hard to believe! How do you explain such “catechetical” success?!

This is the will of God. This is a miracle of God that cannot be explained by preaching alone. Local Muslims also respect him very much. Once I received a letter from a Khoja from Upper Adjara. He asked in the simplicity of his heart: is it not possible for Patriarch Elijah to lead both you, the Orthodox, and us, the Muslims? Can you imagine what a child's soul is like?!

- In Moscow several years ago he was killed for preaching among Muslims. Were there any dangerous moments here?

There were, but it was not so dangerous, of course. You see, our Muslims do not create problems for us. They are coming to us. One priest from Khulo (this is Upper Adjara) had a grandmother who was a convinced Muslim. And one day this priest came up to me and said that he wanted to visit my grandmother. I suggested to him: “Tell her that the Bishop blessed you to become a Christian.” He conveyed my words to my grandmother. She thought about it and unexpectedly agreed. We baptized her, and now she wears a cross with love.

I remember one Khoja, also from Upper Adjara. He shared with me: I have three children. One goes to a mosque, another goes to an Orthodox church, and the third does not go anywhere. This is what I worry about most. This is the worldview of the local population.

Islamization of the region

- It turns out that your Muslims are not typical Muslims?!

They are atypical, of course. We have many priests from Muslim families. There are two priests from the family of a mullah who received a higher theological education in Istanbul. And his grandson is a priest, rector of the seminary.

In general, the Christianization of Iberia came from our diocese. Our diocese is, I am only his vicar (smiles). Here, in Upper Adjara, the ruins of the Temple of the Archangels, built by the Apostle Andrew, have been preserved. This is the first temple in Europe! It was through Adjara that the apostles Simon and Andrew went to preach in Iberia. Then they were here with Simon the Canaanite and Matthias. The first died as a martyr near Sukhumi, and the second - near Batumi (his relics lie in the Goniya fortress, and after the end of the excavations we want to build a temple there).

But since the 16th century, Adjara became the object of continuous Turkish aggression. The invaders gradually converted the population to Islam and destroyed everything except the Skhalta church. The hoja tried to cross her threshold three times, but fell backward, struck with a strong blow stone The temple was known among the Turks as the “local shaitan”; they left it alone.

According to travelers, in the 17th–19th centuries there were secret Christians in Adjara. But, unfortunately, they too eventually became Muslims.

In 1878, as a result Russian-Turkish War Adjara was freed from Turkish dominance and was annexed to the Russian Empire. The Turks were replaced by the Bolsheviks, Muslims were more terrible. Among others, they blew up the Church of St. Alexander Nevsky, erected in honor of the victory over the Turks, and in its place they built the Intourist Hotel.

Why is there a road that does not lead to the temple?

And so, when I came here in 1989, we began little by little with the blessing of our Patriarch. His Holiness often came to Batumi himself. He and I climbed the mountains to the ancient Skhalta temple, which was opened in 1989. At the same time, we baptized about a thousand local Muslim Adjarians. In the same year, by the grace of God, the Cathedral of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary was opened in Batumi. This is the same temple in which Tengiz Abuladze’s film “Repentance” was filmed.

And then mass baptisms began throughout Adjara. On May 13, 1991, we baptized 5 thousand Muslims and atheists in Batumi. His Holiness the Patriarch, recalling Georgian history, said then: “It is not Georgia that should convert Adjara to Christianity, but Adjara us.”

- How did you preach among Adjarian Muslims?

The Soviet Union was collapsing, and patriotic sentiments were strong throughout Georgia. The Adjarians understood that they were forced to accept Islam by force. Our main task was to convert the intelligentsia. After all, the intelligentsia here and everywhere is an example for other segments of the population. When we converted the intelligentsia, they later helped us in preaching. People, seeing that the cultural and scientific elite took the side of Christianity, also accepted Orthodoxy, thank God!

The Adjarians understood that they were Georgians, and therefore Christians, and converted. They always kept traditions. When they baked mchadi (traditional Georgian flatbreads - A.N.), then they gave up on them. They also put a cross during production butter. In the 19th century, some people secretly wore crosses and painted eggs for Easter. Icons were kept in houses. I remember traveling through Upper Adjara and meeting a family where they showed me a hidden cross. Still, the local population treated Christianity very carefully.

Adjarian miracle

- What is the diocese like today?

Now we are finishing the construction of the Church of St. John the Evangelist right on the Turkish border. There are 4 convents in the diocese and we are building 2 more. There are also monasteries. There are no historical ones left, all are new, except for Skhalta. In the Kitrishi gorge there remained a ruined temple of Khinu, a former cathedral. The Turks blew up this temple during the Russian-Turkish War. We opened a monastery there and rebuilt a temple. In the same gorge, the year before last, a convent was opened. And on the border they built a very beautiful temple in honor of St. Andrew the First-Called... Near Batumi we are now building the Lavra of All Georgian Saints. They opened a church orphanage, there is a charity home for the elderly, thank God for everything!

- Yes, sir, wonderful!

This is the will of God! This is a miracle of God! And the merit of our priests, our Patriarch, so revered by the local population. Well, I took some part for the glory of God.

His Holiness Patriarch

Soon, in December, the 35th anniversary of the Patriarchate of His Holiness and Beatitude Catholicos-Patriarch Ilia II will be celebrated, during which the Georgian Church literally blossomed in wondrous colors. You have had the great blessing in life to be close to the Patriarch since childhood. Please tell us about this extraordinary person, about your family!

I remember the Patriarch from childhood. I was born in 1961, and the Patriarch baptized me in Samtavro. We lived in the same house in Mtskheta. About 4 years ago, with the blessing of His Holiness, we gave our house to the Church, and it opened monastery in honor of Saint George the Victorious.

Our relatives are from Kazbegi. My father and the Patriarch, their brothers and sister were born there. Then, in the early 1930s, the family moved to North Ossetia, in Ordzhonikidze (modern Vladikavkaz). There, the Patriarch's father Georgy was a representative of the then Patriarch Kallistratus (Tsintsadze). The temple still stands, on which there is a ktitor’s inscription with the name of George Shiolashvili (he bought a house and opened a temple in it). In this church, the Patriarch’s father served as a headman and every Sunday he took his children there, and they all received communion.

The Patriarch's mother's name was Natalia, she was a kind-hearted and pious woman. The following incident happened in her life: one day she was returning by truck to Ordzhonikidze. As they drove past the Church of St. George, she asked the driver to stop the car to light a candle. He stopped. Natalia lit a candle, and they drove on to the Cross Pass. The road was difficult. Trouble happened: the car slid into the gorge. However, all passengers remained alive. Everyone came up to the Patriarch’s mother and kissed her. They realized that they were saved thanks to her prayer.

A year after the Patriarch, his cousin Raphael was born. George, his father, was then building something in the yard, and on a piece of paper he wrote: “either Heraclius (that was the name of the Patriarch) or Raphael will become the Patriarch of Georgia.” He placed this leaf in a bottle and laid it in the foundation. Then I made a copy (which is now in our church archives in Tbilisi). Amazing, right?!

His Holiness the Patriarch greatly respects his parents, he painted their portraits, often serves a memorial service for them, and distributes sweets in memory of them.

- Probably, the piety of your parents influenced the choice of the path of the Patriarch?

I think this is due to his father. The Patriarch graduated from the theological seminary and academy in Zagorsk. He was offered to remain there as a teacher, but he returned to Georgia and became a monk in the Church of St. Alexander Nevsky in Tbilisi from Metropolitan Zinovy ​​(Mazhuga). Recently, the Patriarch recalled how, after being tonsured, he was brought to the then Patriarch Melchizedek III (Pkhaladze). He looked at him for a long time and said: “If I had at least a few of these young people, I would revive all of Orthodox Georgia.”

The Patriarch was ordained a deacon, then a priest, and sent to serve in St. Nicholas Church in Batumi. And in 1963 he was ordained Bishop of Batumi and Shemokmed and sent to Guria. And from there they were transferred to Abkhazia in 1967. It was a difficult situation! There were only a few women's monasteries throughout Georgia.

In Mtskheta, in a convent, they set up a sewing factory, sewing pillows and blankets. Mom worked there (she is an orphan, born in Mtskheta, she was raised and married by nuns, to whom she always wanted to return and returned, took monastic vows in Samtavro with the name Anna). There were few believers. We often went to church, there were 3-4 people at the services, secret nuns served as psalm-readers.

The theological seminary was opened in Tbilisi only in 1963 (and this was when it was closed throughout Russia!). Bishop Elijah was the first rector. And having already become Patriarch, he reopened the first monastery in Betania and invited monks from Russia. Gradually, he began to think about a theological academy so that Georgian priests would have the opportunity to receive higher education locally. And around 1987, the Tbilisi Theological Academy was opened (I was appointed its rector).

Talents

We know about the Patriarch’s many talents: he paints icons, draws, composes music, and sculpts. Did he have these talents since childhood?

Yes. He also studied medicine as a child. Even after graduating from school, he entered the Medical School in the North Caucasus, but then changed his mind and went to Zagorsk to the seminary. There he painted and studied music. Now many of the Patriarch’s hymns have become so much a part of the tradition that people think they are folk songs, for example, “Holy God,” “Alleluia,” and litanies. His Holiness still writes music.

One day the Patriarch called us, the bishops, and blessed us to paint icons. He thinks that since he has a talent for it, then we have it too (Vladyka smiles...). And we started with the blessing of the Patriarch. Some bishops, surprisingly, succeeded! I painted several icons myself. Then His Holiness gathers us again and says: we need to study music, buy yourself some instruments!

Then I came up and asked for leave: “Your Holiness! I have no talent, please free me from this obedience.” He did not free the others. Some bishops play music like this. Among our bishops we have animators (Vladyka Isaiah, he recently hosted the World Animation Festival in Nikozi near Tskhinvali), there are directors (Vladyka Nikolai) ... His Holiness the Patriarch always supports the development of creative talents.

Is the revival of church arts (singing, architecture, icon painting, enamel...) also an initiative of His Holiness the Patriarch?

Yes. When he became Patriarch, no sphere of church life was active. Absolutely everything came to life thanks to him. Icon painting groups and church choirs began to be created, and church crafts began to be revived. Ancient chants were searched for in handwritten archives of Georgia and Russia. Nowadays, it is mainly ancient Georgian chants that are performed in churches. The traditions of old Georgian architecture have been restored. All this is the merit of our Patriarch.

What qualities, what attitude to life is His Holiness the Patriarch trying to cultivate in you, in his spiritual children?

He never forces. Everything is voluntary. But sometimes he is strict. As the holy fathers say: when you punish children, always hold something sweet in your other hand, “carrot and stick.” You can't punish without sweets. So is our Patriarch. It’s always very sweet to be with him: love, tenderness and respect pour out from him to everyone.

Photos are from the archives of the Batumi and Laz diocese, from open Internet sources. The author sincerely thanks Archpriest Zakhary Peradze, Tamuna Khchaidze, Maya Gagua, Irma Kosashvili for their assistance in preparing this material.

Adjarians belong to the ethnographic group of Georgians. In their culture and language they are close to Chveneburi and Laz. In the 16th century, the people came under the influence of the Ottoman Empire, but this did not prevent them from preserving their native language, national identity, special culture and way of life.

An independent ethnic subgroup of the people was formed between the 15th and 19th centuries based on the Islamized Georgians of the Ottoman Empire. Until 1926 they were called Muslim Georgians. During the population census in 1926, the term “Adjarians” was introduced. At that time the population numbered 71,498 people.

Where live

The bulk of the people live in Adjara. This Autonomous Republic was founded in 1921, after the conclusion of the Kars Treaty between Turkey and Georgia.

Language

Adjarians speak the Adjarian dialect of the Georgian language, which is very similar to the Gurian dialect. During the Ottoman Empire, words from Old Turkish and South Caucasian languages ​​appeared in it.

Religion

The Adjarians have long professed Christianity, but when Adjara became part of the Ottoman Empire in the second half of the 16th century, the people converted to Islam. In the mid-20th century, Muslims in Adjara accounted for 70%, the remaining percentage were Christians. At the beginning of the 21st century, everything changed dramatically: 75% Christians and 25% Muslims. Islam is more widespread in the east of Adjara and to a lesser extent in the south.

During the Ottoman rule, people mixed Orthodoxy and Islam in everyday life. Modern Adjarians are divided into Orthodox Christians (the majority) and Sunni Muslims.

Food

Adjarian cuisine has much in common with Georgian, but there are also distinctive features. The diet is dominated by poultry: turkey, chicken, quail. Adjarians eat beef and lamb. Only Christian Adjarians and only young piglets eat pork. The meat is mainly stewed and fried. People love sturgeon dishes. Side dishes often include rice, fried potatoes, green beans, and various pickles. For the first course they cook soup kharcho, chikhirtma. They practically do not eat cottage cheese and cereal dishes. The diet always contains greens, cilantro, beet leaves, spinach, cabbage leaves, parsley, pahani, and celery. Adjarians often eat red beans, pickled cheeses, and walnuts. They drink coffee, tea, eat fruit. Lavash and flatbreads are served at the table. corn flour(mchadi), corn flour porridge (gomi). Even outside Adjara, Adjara-style khachapuri is very popular - a boat-shaped cheese pie with a baked egg and melted cheese. The boat shape is associated with the main occupation of the people - fishing. The egg yolk is the sun descending into the sea. Another popular pastry of Adjarian cuisine is achma. It is made from thin layers of dough covered with melted butter and cheese. Borano is a rather fatty and heavy dish. The main ingredients are butter and cheese. Borano goes well with Georgian mchadi and shoti bread, tomato and cucumber salad, and white wine.

Adjarian sauce, similar to cream cheese or rich sour cream, is very popular. The product is prepared from fresh fat milk. Serve sauce with cheese and mchadi. It is not recommended to eat it in large quantities. The sauce is made into a type of butter (iagi) that is the main ingredient in many Adjarian dishes. In Adjara they make delicious braided cheese; Adjarian milk is considered the healthiest in all of Georgia.

Appearance

Adjarian clothing is beautiful and rationally selected. The men's national costume consists of a shirt (peranga) and trousers (dzigva), cut in a special way. These pants were made from black satin or homespun wool. They were folded, spacious at the top and tapered at the bottom. The zubuni was put on top of the peranga and tucked into the pants. These clothes were sewn in a winter version, insulated with a cotton lining and with sleeves. The summer version of zubuni is similar to a vest; it was sewn from black satin.

Cloth clothing of the Circassian type (chokha or chakura) was considered the most expensive. It was sewn with a stand-up collar and long sleeves. The chokha was belted with a special colored and wide sash with braid or a leather belt. A kabalakha cap made of fine wool was put on the head. Mandatory attributes of the outfit were a dagger in a sheath or a gun with a bandoleer. On their feet, men wore socks knitted from colored woolen threads, soft leather shoes (patchoula) and shoes that were fastened with belts.

The national costume of women is very beautiful and functional. Consists of a long shirt reaching to the ankles (perang) red or of blue color, harem pants (sharvali) made of scarlet calico, which were wide at the top and tapered at the ankle. On top of the peragni they put on a swing long dress(zubun paragi) made of orange calico. The costume was complemented by a woolen apron (peshtemali). Outer clothing (khirkha) was made of cotton or lined with cotton, depending on the time of year. Adjarian women covered their heads with a calico scarf (lechaki), one corner of which was thrown over their backs. On top of the scarf they threw another one, which covered most of the face. The face was also covered with a thin scarf (pecha), and a white veil was put on top, which was worn from the age of 12. On their feet, women wore shoes without backs (nanili) with wooden soles and leather chusts.

In the 20th century, the traditional clothing of the Adjarians was gradually replaced by urban clothing. Today, costumes are worn for holidays.

Life

The main occupations of the Adjarians were cattle breeding and fishing. They raised sheep and cows and rode horses. In the summer, shepherds with their whole family climbed the mountains and grazed cattle, made cheese, churned butter, and sowed potatoes. In the fall we descended back to the valley.

Housing

In Adjara, dwellings were built from stone or wooden beams on a cobblestone foundation. The people living in the lower part of the Chorokh River erected wooden dwellings of two or one and a half floors. The roof was gable and covered with tiles. Outside there was a staircase without railings that led upstairs. The fireplace was on the second floor. There were also completely stone houses in this area. In the upper reaches of the Khulo gorge, people lived mainly in wooden two-story houses. On the first floor there was a barn and a canopy, on the second floor there were 3 or 4 living rooms. One was a kitchen; a fireplace was being built in it. They slept in one room; there was another fireplace, ottomans, and niches where bedding was stored. The windows in the houses were small, with wooden sliding shutters. In the third room there was a living room, there were wide ottomans. The fourth room (summer) was almost completely open and looked like a balcony. Baskets and agricultural tools were stored in it, and the whole family lived in it in the summer. On the second floor there was a special room where grain was stored. Every room had to have earthen flooring. The roofs of stone houses were covered with shingles without the use of nails and large slabs of slate were laid for strength.

Seasonal dwellings (jargvali) were built on pastures. They built it from logs, made a gable roof and covered it with shingles. The dwelling consisted of two floors. On the first floor there was a corridor, a room for large cattle, calves, sheep, horses and living room. On the outside of the house there was a staircase that led to the second floor. There were two rooms there: one for processing and storing dairy products, the second was residential, with an earthen floor and no ceiling. A fireplace was built in the partition between these rooms.

Culture

Adjarian music is one of the many branches of Georgian musical culture and the main part of the music of the Gurian-Adjarian region. The folklore of the people has been preserved since ancient times. Musical instruments Adjarians:

• salamuri
• Chonguri
• panduri
• Sviri
• bagpipes chiponi

Beautiful songs of the Adjarians are heard during the holidays of Kolkhoba, Gomarduloba, Merisoba, Shuamtoba, Tbeloba, Machakhloba. The songs reflect Difficult life people, people's dreams of happiness and willingness to give their lives for native land. Adjarian dances are known all over the world - flexible, expressive and bright. The most popular are Acharuli and Khorumi.

Traditions

Hospitality is one of the most important traditions of the people. Guests are always greeted well, served with a rich table and treated to traditional dishes of Adjarian cuisine. The guest is poured white wine, a glass of which must be drunk for the well-being of the host. The host himself also drinks a glass to the guest’s health.

Famous people

Among the Adjarians there are famous personalities:

1. Sopho Khalvashi, singer
2. Ulvi Rajab, actor, honored artist;
3. Konstantin Meladze, composer and producer;
4. Valery Meladze, singer, honored artist;
5. Nino Katamadze, jazz singer, composer;
6. Zurab Nogaideli, politician, Prime Minister of Georgia since 2005;
7. Aslan Abashidze, political and statesman.